Thursday, January 17, 2013

Issue 16

The Neoliberalized, Debt-plagued,
Low Wage, Corporatized University
January 2013

 ~ Contents ~

Ryan Anderson

Francine Barone

Erin B. Taylor

Keith Hart

Tazin Karim
 
Patrick Bigger & Victor E. Kappeler

Greg Downey

Ryan Anderson

Introduction: Speaking of the neoliberal university


I recently watched a piece on PBS's Frontline called "College,Inc." It's all about for-profit universities. And, considering how things are going in many of our colleges here in the US, I couldn't help but wonder if this is a glimpse of things to come for our educational system. For-profit institutions are, after all, the "fastest-growing sector in higher education" (Delbanco 2012).

The Frontline piece is mainly about for-profit universities like the University of Phoenix and Devry and others of that nature (like Grand Canyon University). In theory, the basic mantra of for-profits sounds pretty reasonable, if not outright noble: They claim to serve all of the people who, for some reason or another, cannot get themselves into the traditional university/college system. In practice, however, the for-profit system is laden with all sorts of problems, discrepancies, and false promises. One of the main issues being the foregrounding of marketing and recruiting over education (this is explained pretty well by Frontline). When constant growth and enrollments become the primary goal, obviously education is going to suffer. And when it comes to many of these universities, it has.

Institutions like the University of Phoenix are basically run like a corporation. If we're wondering where the neoliberalization of the universities is taking us, this is a good place to get a good glimpse of the future. On the plus side, this means that they are able to make quicker decisions, focus on innovation, and achieve a sort of nimbleness that we won't usually find in the traditional university systems (with their thick bureaucracies). But the downside of running a university like a corporation is, well, that you're running it like a corporation. This means that making money is the ultimate goal, despite the fact that education is supposed to be the primary mission.

They key part of that sentence is "supposed to be." Education you ask?  What?  Sorry, the for-profit folks can't hear you over the barrage of noise coming from their overworked (and very friendly) telephone recruiters.

Here's a basic rundown of some of the characteristics of for-profit education. First, they are not held back by the brick and mortar mentality of traditional universities. These universities still have buildings and campuses, but not in the way that many four year universities are set up. Many of the University of Phoenix campuses, for example, are conveniently located near major freeways. Second, there is no tenure system. If teachers aren't performing, they aren't going to get another contract. Third, the administration makes a lot of money (this was openly admitted on Frontline). Fourth, tuition at these universities is VERY expensive (about twice what students pay at traditional universities). Fifth, from a business and marketing perspective, these universities are incredibly successful. They are making money, no doubt about that. And finally, as is clearly stated on Frontline, the Federal financial aid system is the "lifeblood" of these universities, and accreditation is key to getting those funds.

The problem? Well, the problem is that all of the marketing and moneymaking does not necessarily translate to a good education, and this has lead to numerous lawsuits, including this one. And more recently, this one.

Many of these for-profit universities make a lot of promises, and, despite all of the glitz, aren't really fulfilling them. Well, not to the students who pay them for education, but I am sure the shareholders aren't complaining. These institutions might be the epitome of the neoliberalization of education, in which all value hinges upon finance and money, rather than education. But the troubling practices are surely not limited to the for-profits of the world: similar philosophies are clearly finding their way into more "traditional" universities, especially since the economic meltdown of 2008-09. Traditional universities are certainly "for-profit" in their own right, depending on who you ask.  

I suppose University of Phoenix and its ilk give us a nice picture of what life will be like if and when we continue to head all the way down the neoliberal path. At least we know where we're going...to a place laden with tremendous debt, empty degrees, and plenty of litigation. Oh, and lots of profit, for some. So there's one option: we can take the university system full bore down the for-profit, privatized trail blazed so willingly by the U of Phoenix folks. We'll be in the hands of administrators like the former director of the University of Phoenix who, when asked about the purpose of education, said: 
I'm happy that there are places in the world where people sit down and think.  We need that.  But that's very expensive.  And not everybody can do that.  So for the vast majority of folks who don't get that privilege, then I think it's a business [cited in Delbanco 2012 and the Frontline episode].
And there you have it.  The choice is ours.  What side will you pick?

***

For this issue we have contributions from Francine Barone, Erin Taylor, Keith Hart, Tazin Karim, Patrick Bigger & Victor Kappeler, and Greg Downey.  I think Francine sums up the underlying theme of the issue quite well in her essay when she writes: "There are a few competing perspectives, but mostly everyone is on the same page: A lot of things suck in our professional lives and we should really figure out a way to do something about it."  Nailed it.

Please read, pass this around, comment, and find your own way to keep the conversation going.  That's a good first step toward eradicating the "suck" from academia.

R.A.


References

Delbanco, Andrew.  2012.  College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be.  Princeton University Press.  Kindle e-book version.

Review of Andrew Delbanco's "College"

Book Review: Delbanco, Andrew. 2012. College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be. Princeton University Press. Kindle e-book version.

What is college? What are the historical roots of the very idea of "going to college"? What should we expect from a good college education? What, ultimately, is the point of sending legions and legions of young people to college year in and year out?

These are some of the questions that Andrew Delbanco, Director of American Studies at Columbia University, tackles in his book College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be. Using a good dose of history--and plenty of references and allusions to some great works in literature--Delbanco explores the historical and philosophical roots of today's colleges, how they have changed over the ensuing years, and what we should hope for them in the future.[1]

Delbanco sets up his case in the introduction. The point of the book is to highlight the fundamental principles of college that that have been "inherited from the past, are being challenged in the present, and should be indispensable in the future" (Loc 168).* His goal is to clearly articulate what college should do for students, above all else.

College is, according to Delbanco, one of the great innovations to come from the United States. But one issue here is that many people often conflate the idea of college with that of the university. There is an important distinction to be made, and Delbanco makes sure we get it. Colleges, he explains, are places where knowledge is transmitted to undergraduates so they expand upon it, draw from it, and use it for the future. Universities, on the other hand, are places where faculty and graduate students are focused on the goal of creating new knowledge. Sometimes the primary goals of colleges and universities align, and sometimes they clash in maddening ways.

Delbanco challenges us to think critically about what's at stake here. College, he argues, is a place where young people navigate the tricky waters between adolescence and adulthood. It is supposed to be a place that helps students on their path to knowledge about themselves and the world around them. Lastly, college should play the vital role of instilling "certain qualities of mind and heart requisite for reflective citizenship" (Loc 124). Those qualities include: a healthy skepticism of the present that is deeply contextualized by knowledge of the past; the ability to connect phenomena that seem disparate; a scientifically- and artistically-informed understanding of the natural world; a willingness to imagine the world from the perspective of another; and finally a sense of ethical responsibility. Those qualities, Delbanco reminds us, are not commodities. They are not to be produced and then bought and sold. Importantly, they cannot be developed by the limited study of either science or the humanities, but instead require a well-rounded education. Finally, he implores us to understand that such qualities cannot be revealed by grades and exams, but instead only through "the way we live our lives" (Loc 134).

Delbanco approaches these issues with a measure of calm, often using historical and literary examples to remind us that our current crisis is not necessarily as new as we sometimes assume. This is a good reminder for those of us who get wrapped up in current debates. But he quickly rebounds to warn us that the wolf is indeed at the door, since we are undoubtedly going through a period of "wrenching change" in our colleges and universities. One of the biggest problems, he says, is a serious lack of consensus about what students should learn in college.[2]

Chapter one begins with a focus on the relationship between student and teacher. The dynamic between the two is a fundamental--and difficult to measure--aspect of the learning process. Teaching is a generative act, says Delbanco, in which the knowledge of one generation is passed down to the next. Through the act of teaching, everything that we learn in our lives will not be lost.

This is undoubtedly a romantic if not idealistic view of the learning process. Delbanco is the first to admit that college is, for many, a kind of "American pastoral" that is romantically linked to our ideals about learning, science, and the "traditional" college experience.

But he interrupts this pleasant story by reminding us, sharply, that this romantic view has very little to do with the actual experience of most college students today. For many, this idea of college is a rumor, or maybe a distant dream at best. While the number of undergrads has grown over the last several decades, the number of students enrolled in liberal arts programs has not. More and more students these days are experiencing college in commuter or online institutions that focus primarily on vocational training. Delbanco explains that we can expect something along the lines of 20 million undergraduates in the coming years, but only a small fraction of them will actually attend college in the traditional sense.

So this means we have fewer and fewer students going down this path every year. And what's missing? What's being lost when less students go to college and learn in that traditional sense? Delbanco tells us that what college is really all about is helping students figure out not only what matters, but what's worth wanting. Another way to put this: college is about instilling a certain set of values in students, and if less are going through this system, well, we can all wonder about what this means for society as a whole. Ideally, Delbanco explains, college is supposed to be a place where students receive critical guidance as they learn how to start asking and answering questions for themselves. It's a place where people learn what they are all about, and starting figuring out who they are and want to become.

But many of today's students show up to college with a range of habits, ideas, and behaviors firmly set in place. A lot of them are deeply concerned about how they stack up with their peers. College is an incredibly competitive place these days, and that competition takes a variety of forms. And as Delbanco makes quite clear, there is ever more pressure to justify the costs of getting a degree, and that means that college is less and less an escape from "the real world."

In some fundamental ways, college (in a broad sense of the word) has changed very little in the past couple thousand years. Delbanco points out that our methods of teaching have remained remarkably unchanged for some 2400 years, since the days of Socrates. And students have always been looking for purpose, for something to care about. Past and present, he says, students have been bored, confused, and unsure what, exactly, they are supposed to get from the college experience. This is the purpose of college. It is supposed to be a place of "learning in the broad and deep meaning of that word" (Loc 425), not just some place to build social contacts and networks.

All things considered, Delbanco sees this as a time for some serious self-reflection about where things are heading with our nation's colleges. He outlines three primary answers to anyone who happens to ask about the purpose of college: 1) college is supposed to improve the economic health of the nation while also fortifying the economic competitiveness of individual citizens; 2) it's supposed to be about the education of "the whole person," in part to foster a viable and robust democratic system. A key part of this aspect of the college education, explains Delbanco, is the development of what he calls the "bullshit meter"; and finally, 3) college is supposed to provide a liberal, general, open, and inclusive education--and this is the part that Delbanco sees as the most threatened.

The next chapter looks at the historical and philosophical roots of college. Delbanco (who often writes about religious history) explains that the idea of college goes back to 17th century Protestants who made their way to New England. The earliest colleges in the US were modeled after the great European institutions like Cambridge and Oxford. In essence, those first American colleges were places of retreat for what Delbanco calls "scholars of divinity" (Loc 601). The general public, for its part, was strictly kept out of these institutions.

In the words of Samuel Eliot Morrison, one of the founding principles of these places of study and learning was to "develop the whole man" (Loc 644). Students studied scripture, but that wasn't all they focused on. They also studied history and natural philosophy, which were fundamental aspects of system of learning in which various branches of knowledge were deeply interconnected. Delbanco's point here is to highlight the integrated nature of learning in these institutions, whose goal was to build and foster the inner character of students. The foundation in religious institutions is significant for Delbanco's overall argument. "College was once conceived not as a road to wealth or as a screening service for a social club," he writes," but as a training ground for pastors, teachers, and, more broadly, public servants" (Loc 1021).

Chapter three covers the changes that took place after universities arose on the scene. Colleges were, in the early days, relatively small institutions--very different from the large universities of today. Research universities, he explains, arose in the years after the American Civil War. It was during this time that the word "university" came to refer to an "institution whose mission encompassed research and professional training alongside the teaching of 'undergraduates'" (Loc 1210). Universities were created, in part, to advance specific disciplines, whether math, chemistry, law, or other fields. They represented a shift in authority in American education away from the purview of the church and into the hands of newly created academic associations. Faculties, for their part, were transformed into highly certified professionals who were ranked and ordered by accreditation standards and a peer review system (Loc 1229).

There was a clear shift in the power dynamic in American education, and one aspect of this was the fact that universities became the source for all new faculty once the PhD. rose to prominence as the dominant degree in academia. Colleges and universities were rivals, but, as Delbanco explains, universities undeniably had the upper hand. One side effect of this unbalanced rivalry was the slow devaluation of undergraduate teaching in the educational milieu. This led to many debates about the place of undergraduates in higher education. Delbanco points out that universities came to be seen as the "most evolved" on the institutional chain, and this resulted in serious conflicts between the original mission of American colleges and the new demands and interests of their competitors in the universities.

All of this boils down to a battle over funding, resources, and who gets priority. Despite all of the rhetoric coming from major universities today, it's pretty clear that undergraduate education ranks fairly low on the scale. This is not a recent trend, even if what we are seeing today is more pronounced than conditions in the past.

Competition for resources is one issue that Delbanco highlights. Growth is another. In the university, the growing college ranks encourage more and more specialization. As the student body grows, there is a tendency to break education down into more specialized compartments (i.e. departments). Growth is also fueled by the need to increase tuition revenue, which is vital for supporting research, funding financial aid, and creating an alumni base. (This is basic math: more students equals more money). In the 20th century, college and university ranks also grew because of the rise of co-education in all male institutions (which often refused to decrease the number of males when they accepted women, thereby increasing overall student population). In the 21st century, the growing student body is increasingly composed of international enrollments.

The problem with growth, argues Delbanco, is that it's a threat to the "collegiate ideal" (Loc 1342). Mostly because rising student populations quickly outpace the supply of faculty who can teach them in an efficient--and meaningful--way. Basically, as colleges and universities have transformed into enrollment-seeking money farms, education has suffered (my words, not Delbanco's). It has been a serious challenge to keep mandatory or core courses small enough to encourage effective teaching. Many institutions, Delbanco explains, completely avoid this challenge altogether.

What all of this means is that college today is a slim reflection of what it once was--and what it could be. I remember one of my undergrad professors who made this very point in one of his lectures, basically telling his class packed with 60 something students that we had "no idea" what college education was really like. He told us about the days in the 1960s and 70s when undergraduate classes were small, dynamic, and completely different from the over-packed, crowded education that is the norm today. [3] As Delbanco makes quite clear, the "community" aspect of many of our colleges and universities is gone--and has been for some time. Learning seems to be another casualty.

His last point in this chapter focuses on the importance of science in the university. Science is, he says, the central foundation in the growth of the modern university. This is partly because of the cumulative nature of science, which leads to an undeniable accumulation of knowledge over time (Thomas Kuhn might have something to say about that though). This is one reason why anything associated with "science" has an advantage when it comes to garnering resources. Science is also linked with technological innovations that are widely available and appreciated by the general public. In short, science results in a fairly direct return on public investment, as opposed to disciplines in the humanities, which operate with very different underlying ideals and goals. The point of science is to seek truth by replacing old ideas and information with the new, while truth in the humanities is more about the examination, reconsideration, and "rearticulation" of truth over time (Loc 1454).

Despite all of the debates about the limits of progress, it's pretty safe to say that many people still associate science with the idea of progress in one form or another. And Delbanco points out, rightly, that notions of progress, especially the kinds that are optimistically linked with science, certainly have their shortcomings (World Wars I and II are examples he brings up--Germany, after all, had some of the finest scientist and universities of the 20th century). Still, he tells us, many colleges strive to teach their students to "think scientifically," a powerful trend that has led numerous humanities programs to mimic scientific narratives, practices, and discourses (Delbanco mentions "scientific history" as one result of this kind of mimicry). All of this has led to the devaluation of literature, history, philosophy, and other fields, making them into little more than the lowly "stepchildren" of higher education (Loc 1522).

For Delbanco, this is a serious loss, since these fields of study are what give us a "vocabulary" for our most important questions. He writes, "In fact, the humanities may have the most to offer to students who do not know that they need them--which is one reason it is scandalous to withhold them" (Loc 1526). Science, he argues, tells us nothing about "how to shape a life or how to face death, about the meaning of love, or the scope of responsibility." The humanities, he continues, help students (and the rest of society) question our assumptions of today through a critical understanding of the past. His end point of this chapter is this: Many of the problems we face today, when viewed in the light of history, are not all that new. And technology, let alone science, cannot solve all of those problems. So maybe we need to rethink a few things. History is a good place to start. Well, if there are any history departments left, that is.

Delbanco moves on to discuss who goes to college, and who pays for it. He explains that the opening of the university was a slow process. College was once a place for rich, male, predominantly white students. In earlier days, elitism, prejudice, sexism, and outright racism plagued many college campuses. And that's why we have every reason to be critical of the past practices of our best institutions (this critical view of the past is one decisive way to cut through the romantic glow we sometimes cast upon history). Today, however, a lot has changed. Whereas colleges and universities of the past were all about preserving social uniformity, diversity is the mantra of today. Thanks to the founding of women's colleges, the breakdown of racial barriers, the GI Bill after World War II, and the creation of community colleges (among other changes), higher ed is much more diverse--and democratic--than it once was.

However, Delbanco is quick to challenge this narrative of social progress we like to tell ourselves. Despite the real advancements that have been made, he argues, racial discrimination and socio-economic inequality have not been vanquished from our colleges. Low income students, for example, still face tremendous challenges when trying to attend elite schools, let alone just getting to and through college. Our story of progress has slowed--or maybe it has stalled completely. Why?

The primary reason, according to Delbanco, is the massive disinvestment in higher education. In order to make up for this shortfall, tuition rates have continued to rise. Now that the funds have run out, many colleges seem more worried about getting enrollments than anything. They seem to be completely preoccupied with recruiting, marketing, and maintaining prestige than taking a critical look at what, exactly, they're really doing. Education seems to have fallen by the wayside.

As available funds continue to evaporate, the pressure continues to increase. Colleges across the country are undoubtedly under tremendous pressure, especially after the economic crash of 2008. There are various practices that only add to this pressure, and the national ranking system is one of the most prominent. Prestige is everything in this game. It is often maintained, mind you, by trying to build up an air of "selectivity" in the admissions process (this refers to the amount of applicants who apply versus the amount who are actually accepted--the higher this ratio the more "selective" a college appears, and this is one of the primary categories in the national ranking system). The pressure to keep recruiting and maintain a high national ranking has led to many problems with what Delbanco refers to as our "admissions culture." This includes, ultimately, an increase in what he calls "deceptive" practices. The problem with the selectivity game in our colleges is that "the quality of the educational experience is confused with how many applicants [they] turn away" (Loc 1793).

And then there's the problem with test scores. Or, rather, the "obsessive concern" with test scores, as Delbanco phrases it. Despite evidence that standardized tests (SATs, GREs, and so on) are questionable predictors of student potential, they are an integral part of the whole university/college dynamic. You can't get anywhere, it seems, without taking one test or another. Delbanco points out that we should be at least a little wary of the value of standardized tests, since higher test scores can often be linked to households with more money and resources. If greater access to money and resources lead to higher test scores, then we need to rethink not only our attachment to those tests, but also the role they play in our national admissions culture. We also need to question what those tests really measure. If money can buy higher test scores, then ultimately what this means is that it's also buying admission into select colleges--through a seemingly legitimate--and fair--process.

Coming up with a laundry list of inequities is easy, Delbanco tell us. And it allows us to stand on the sidelines and hurl condemnations and complaints at our colleges and universities. But he wants to remind us that these kinds of issues are, in the end, deeply ethical questions--just the kind that should be part of a good college education (Loc 1819). What does he mean by this? Well, he's talking about the ethics and politics of college admission processes--the decisions about who gets in and who doesn't. How many parents, for example, are going to tell their kids they will not use family money to help them prep for tests? "And while it's natural to feel resentment when other people's children enjoy advantages denied to our own," writes Delbanco, "for centuries very few people objected to what amounted to affirmative action for whites" (Loc 1822).

Delbanco's point here is that we face some serious ethical issues, and they need to be discussed and confronted. There are no simple answers, he says. But one thing is clear: many of the college admission processes are "heavily weighted in favor of students from families with means" (Loc 1850). The truth we have right in front of us is that today's colleges do a lot more to reinforce rather than challenge wealth disparities in the US. And while the exclusionary practices of today may be less overt than those of the past, they are, Delbanco says, more insidious (Loc 1887). Even more alarming, he writes, is that there seems to be "much less indignation about the present than the past," in part because the haves and the have-nots know less and less about one another.

This leads us to the 1958 book The Rise of the Meritocracy, by Michael Young, which Delbanco uses to make a couple of critical points. The word "meritocracy" is often used in positive terms today to refer to a system in which people who work hard obtain well-deserved results. But Young's book was written as a satirical warning of what could happen if we go too far down a certain path, Delbanco reminds us. The book is, Delbanco explains, an "amazingly astute description of what we have become--a society dedicated to the one overriding purpose of economic expansion," in which "people are judged according to the single test of how much they increase production" (Loc 2047). Here Delbanco lays out a few more of the key problems: 1) colleges are too close to the world of money and finance; 2) faculty is underpaid and overworked; and finally, 3) among students, the gap is widening between the majority and a select few...and colleges continue to focus on marketing and selling their programs through amenities, rather than focusing on improving how they educate their students. It is difficult to name just one problem, he says. But one there is one issue that seems to underlie much of what we are talking about. Delbanco sums it up as a widespread sense of "drift" (Loc 2241).

College and university used to be places where a person could go to improve their lives, to learn more, and to find the right path in life. But, Delbanco explains, many of our assumptions about what leads to a good, successful life are being called into question--if not radically challenged (especially as student loan debt continues to rise). Delbanco's argument is that far too many colleges aren't doing enough to help students through these difficult times. They are, he writes, failing to "reconnect their students to the idea that good fortune confers a responsibility to live generously toward the less fortunate." The idea of "community" as a core principle of college has been lost. So what can be done?

The last chapter in the book tries to tackle that very question--although it's more of a series of meditations about possibilities than a programmatic discussion about the steps we need to take to "fix" college. Delbanco begins by telling us that much of the current writing about college belongs in a special literary genre: the funeral dirge. Many assume that college as we know it is a dying species...like some doomed elephant making its way along the graveyard path. But Delbanco isn't quite so morose, despite his critical views about colleges, universities, and higher ed in general. He reminds us, again, that a good understanding of the past can help us realize that doomsday prophecies are more often wrong than right.

However, he admits, many of the predictions have already come to pass (at least in some respects). College as a community of learning is already an anachronism for many of today's students. Millions of college-aged Americans never step foot on a college campus at all. Delbanco gives us some of the hard facts: For young people who are stuck in the lowest income quartile, the chance of making it to college is about 20 percent (1 in 5). By the age of 26, less than two-thirds of white high school grads are enrolled in college. And the figures for minorities are much lower: a little more than 50 percent for blacks, and even less for Hispanics. Even when students do manage to enroll, less than 60 percent finish in six years, and about 30 percent don't finish at all (Loc 2284). That "traditional" college experience that permeates our national culture, it seems, is often little more than a dream. And an unrealistic one at that.

And if students aren't exactly getting the mythical college experience, Delbanco continues, neither are the teachers. In 1975, about 60 percent of professors were full-time and on the tenure track. Today, that number has dropped to about 35 percent. What this means is that most students today are taught by part-time employees "who have a limited stake in the institution where they work" (Loc 2315). Cutting tenure and hiring a workforce or temporary laborers makes perfect sense, Delbanco argues, in a system dominated by marketplace rules and ideologies. However, by the measures of educational value that he extols in this book, they make no sense at all.

His argument is that there is far too much discussion about things like "cost" and "access," and not enough about what is happening on campuses once students actually get there. Delbanco still thinks that the ideal of college has tremendous power for motivating and inspiring today's students. He delves into examples of some of the "best practices" out there, and expresses his agreement with the idea that online education does indeed have plenty of potential to reduce some of the equity gaps that plague the college system. Technology can, of course, be a part of the solution. But, he says, we need to look into "low tech" solutions that are working right now while we wait for the high tech university of the future (after all, it may never arrive).

And this is where Delbanco makes his stand. His most passionate argument is about the importance of teaching--and teachers who care about what they do. "The proffered rewards of academic life," he explains, "have nothing to do with demonstrated concern for students" (Loc 2509). Often, teaching is a reward in and of itself--and not much more. So what this means for Delbanco is this: we need to try to "produce more teachers who care about teaching." How can that be accomplished?

He sees a problem with trying to make "research" the bogeyman in this equation, and implores readers to think about things differently. There's really no reason why teaching and research have to be thought of in oppositional terms. They can be complementary, in fact. But this doesn't mean that good researchers are automatically good teachers. In fact, that's not the case at all. A little luck is necessary to get both qualities in one person. The ability to teach, Delbanco writes, can't really be measured or granted by some advanced degree. It just doesn't work that way. And one problem is that higher education can, and often does, completely kill the "zeal for teaching" that individuals have in earlier stages of their career. Talk about a Catch-22. We have a serious problem if the process of "professionalization" actually drives teachers away from teaching.

The problem isn't research. Delbanco really drives that point home. The problem, he says, is that universities use colleges (which are there to recruit and educate undergraduates) as a way to subsidize research--and the training of future researchers. So the real issue here is the relationship between universities and colleges--and between the twin goals of teaching and research. This problematic relationship is instilled in graduate school, where teaching is often seen as either a requirement or a burden. Few graduate programs make an effort to distinguish between good researchers and those who "show promise for the classroom." Teaching is often treated as something that students do along the way to the real goal of becoming professional researchers. This translates on down the line throughout the institutional culture.

In Delbanco's view, the failure to integrate teaching into grad programs is no less than "astonishing," but, as he points out, this situation is basically a non-issue throughout much of academia. It simply doesn't matter. Few pay attention or seem to care. Yet, year after year, new PhDs are released into the educational system, and many of them spend a great deal of their time seeking employment--as teachers. Delbanco brings up an apt analogy here: This would be akin to medical schools granting MDs to students who haven't completed their clinical rotations. Skipping over this requirement might make sense for those who are destined to be lab or bench scientists, but "the notion of sending a young physician to a patient's beside without serious apprenticeship and mentoring is--as it should be--out of the question" (Loc 2545).

But this is exactly what we have going on in many graduate programs. [4] Here Delbanco quotes Robert Maynard Hutchins, who said this leads us into a "vicious circle... in which the products of a bad system grow up to be the operators and perpetuators of it" (Loc 2553). The only way to break this cycle, according to Delbanco, is to fight to provide "student-centered" doctoral education that prepares scholars to be researchers and teachers.

Delbanco closes his case by saying that the American college is too important to simply give up on. Despite all of the challenges, ethical conflicts, and politics that colleges face, he does not think they should be "permitted to give up on [their] own ideals." He reaches back to his historical argument to remind us that one of the core ideals of college has always been to reject social rankings like wealth and position and evaluate people based upon their inward character (or soul).[5] We need to come to terms with those early ideals, especially the notion that all students deserve--and are worthy of--education.

In the end, Delbanco brings together his ideas about community, equity, and the value of education to implore his readers to protect the college institution. Ultimately, he says, "Democracy depends on it."

Overall, Andrew Delbanco's book is a thorough, wide-ranging, critical, and often passionate look at the histories and current travails of American colleges. Interestingly, Delbanco's writing is a fascinating combination of romanticism and critical, pragmatic realism. He has a recurrent tendency to introduce idealistic notions and then rapidly knock them down with a dose of (sometimes harsh) realism. But for all of his criticisms, Delbanco is, in the end, still very optimistic about the future of college...and he adamantly argues that we all need to stand up, pay attention, and give a damn right alongside him. 

It's a compelling argument, and the book was a valuable read for someone (me) who has been mired in the college/university system for the past 10 years--as a student. Sometimes it's easy to get a little lost in the details, the bureaucracies, and the personal struggles of "the system," and lose sight of not only what can be done, but why one ended up in such a system in the first place. In moments like these, sometimes a good dose of historical context with a layer of conviction is just what's needed. And Delbanco's a good guide along the way. I agree with him too--that college is something worth trying to salvage. What that means, though, is that we need to be ready to turn all of that "critical analysis" into something more than just another published page in another journal article that nobody reads. We might actually have to put down the books, and the rhetoric, and do something.

Ryan Anderson

UPDATE: Minor edits for clarity on 1/18/13.

*Note: All citations listed according to locations in the Kindle e-book version.

**Another note: Yes, this review is ridiculously over the word limit. I apologize retroactively and hope to bury this truth deep in a random note that nobody will ever find.

[1] A minor quibble, but it may have been nice if more of Delbanco's examples were drawn from real cases rather than literary examples.

[2] Delbanco uses elite colleges as the primary examples for his discussion.

[3] I should point out that Delbanco makes it quite clear that many of these changes have not been felt as strongly, if at all, in many of the elite universities that have access to more funding and resources.

[4] Giving graduate students a few classes to teach is not the same as placing greater emphasis on the value and importance of teaching.

[5] He does acknowledge the prejudicial, often intolerant views of many of the clerics who founded the early college institutions. But his point here is to pay attention to deeper underlying ideals and beliefs about humanity.

Surviving in the meantime

Pre-emptive austerity: coping in the pre-revolutionary university
The ascendance of the “knowledge economy” has pushed the university more deeply into the embrace of capital. Increasingly, governments around the world look to universities, not merely to provide future management-level corporate employees, but to generate new products as de facto research and development wings of industry, even to generate profits of their own — or at least not to lean too heavily on public funding (see also Callinicos 2006). In the most egregious examples, public support for university education has been slashed, the cost of tertiary training entirely privatized, research-industry links privileged, and institutions left to find revenue sources to support budgets swollen by costly services designed to attract student “customers.”

In Australia, we have escaped the worst of university neoliberalization just as we have escaped the financial crises gripping many countries, thanks in large part to our proximity to Asia and the minerals under our soil. My employer, for example, has generated an operating surplus in the past two years. (I’ll give you a moment to wrap your head around that one.)

We have done so on the back of strong international student enrollment and real estate holdings (I’m not kidding), but also on the hard work of staff, uncomfortable increases in student numbers, and, at times, tough budget cutting even in the face of surplus. Our budget cutting is often justified as “future-proofing,” pre-emptive austerity in case international student numbers should drop due to the strength of the Australian dollar.

Even here, spared the worst of the current global financial turmoil, talk of crisis crops up, promising revolution, threatening catastrophe, but bringing mostly uncertainty and eroded morale. For academics, we are still a “lucky country”; we have avoided the worst we hear about from overseas and I am glad to have fled the US system. There have been some devastating restructurings, but we still have a strong union, and the Australian federal government sees us a vital export earner. So we have been largely spared. For now.

The case of Australian academic life, however, is instructive, I would argue, precisely because we have not gone as far down the route followed by other national systems; thus, talk of crisis seems so out of step with our reality. With that in mind, I’d like to offer a few scattered thoughts from Australia, by an expatriot American scholar. I know my position is unusual — a secure, happy, mid-career anthropologist at a financially strong and growing university — but I’d like to use that position to think about institutional changes.

Has the revolution already happened?
One danger is that we become persuaded that the university in 2012 is as it always has been. For example, consulting firm Ernst and Young recently made headlines here by releasing a report, “University of the Future,” with the subtitle, “A thousand year old institution on the cusp of profound change” (Ernst & Young 2012). The report is a vague document, filled with “strategic” business language that boldly asserts, “Over the next 10-15 years, the current public university model in Australia will prove unviable in all but a few cases” (ibid.: 2). Sunanda Creagh quotes the report’s lead author, Justin Bokor, Executive Director of the firm’s education practice: “Current university models are living on borrowed time in Australia. Government funding is tight and is going to be tighter still in the next couple of political cycles” (Creagh 2012; YouTube clip of interview with Bokor).

Researchers for Ernst & Young’s education practice interviewed Australian university vice-chancellors — the equivalent here of a university president — and found them in a bit of a panic. One university vice-chancellor reportedly felt that, “Our major competitor in ten years time will be Google… if we’re still alive!” (ibid.: 9). Another suggested that, “The traditional university model is the analogue of the print newspaper… 15 years max, you’ve got the transformation” (ibid.: 12).

The rhetoric is pretty typical for marketing, trying to convince potential clients that they have a problem that they didn’t even realize they had. Ernst and Young, however, isn’t just angling for more consulting business (“Worried about the future? Hire us…”); the firm is also softening up the public for what they believe will be future government action, pinning the blame for future policy choices on market forces. Senator Lee Rhiannon of the Australian Green Party argued as much, that the report intentionally painted “a gloom and doom picture designed to grease the way for the private sector to profit from universities at the expense of a well-resourced and regulated public education system.”

Rhiannon continued: “‘Market contestability’ and ‘competition’ are buzz words designed to paint increased funding cuts to public universities as inevitable and the private sector as the saviour of universities” (from Rhiannon’s weblog). Like the pre-emptive budget cuts, pain now is justified by the expectation of future crisis. (I can’t tell you the number of times I’ve read the expression “perfect storm” while looking at online news to write this piece.) We are told that universities will have to change, but most here have already changed radically in recent decades. In Australia, the transformation is staggering: in 1950, there were six universities catering to approximately 31,000 students total in the whole country. Today, there are 39 universities; the number of domestic students has grown more than 20-fold. My employer, alone, a university not even founded until 1964, caters to more than the entire tertiary student population in 1950 (figures from Ashenden 2012).

As late as the 1980s, few international students were in Australia. Today, international students constitute a $16.2 billion-a-year “export industry” (that figure from the Australian Bureau of Statistics). Again, my employer is a leader in this industry, with a third of our student body coming from overseas.

The “crisis” in the Australian university is the entirely predictable outcome of funding not keeping pace with explosive expansion and the democratization of tertiary education. More and more, universities are being asked to solve at cut rate prices a raft of problems — unemployment, social inequality, new product innovation, even the wholesale creation of entire industries.

The pains of neocapitalist inconsistency
J. K. Gibson-Graham, the pen name of feminist geographers Katherine Gibson and the late Julie Graham, warn us of the intellectual and political dangers of assuming greater coherence to late capitalism than it actually possesses. I worry that anthropologists, so good at perceiving social pattern, may over-ascribe order to a chaotic situation. In their second work, A Postcapitalist Politics (2006: 56), Gibson-Graham write:
A capitalocentric discourse condenses economic difference, fusing the variety of noncapitalist economic activities into a unity in which meaning is anchored to capitalist identity. Our language politics is aimed at fostering conditions under which images and enactments of economic diversity . . . might stop circulating around capitalism, stop being evaluated with respect to capitalism, and stop being seen as deviant or exotic or eccentric—departures from the norm.
I would argue, drawing inspiration from Gibson-Graham, that we need to recognize just how shallow the market transformation of university life is across the whole institution. We might even be able to use market rationale to hold the institution accountable; after all, the numbers for Australia don’t tell the story of entrenched crisis but of staggering success. That is, one of the most frustrating things about the neoliberal university can be the incompleteness of institutional change, the blatant inconsistency and opportunism of so much of the supposed “market” discourse. For example, when has an increase in student numbers been reliably and proportionally linked to an increase in salaries, departmental budgets, or staffing? When I was a door-to-door salesman (again, I’m not kidding), I expected to make more if I sold more.

If we are marketized, it seems to be on the downside, and only for the purposes of selling pre-emptive austerity. At times, I wish we were more market-based just to punctuate unrelenting talk of belt-tightening with a few sunny announcements (“Philosophy wins a trip to Bali due to high sales in their department! And our employee of the month is Albert from Human Geography!”).

We are told that reform, restructuring, or removal of courses is justified because of “student preference,” whether or not there is actual evidence that market forces are pushing the change. In an unrelenting bad economic climate, the disjuncture may not be so obvious; here, it can be jarring. If the budget is actually in surplus, it takes serious goalpost movement to manufacture an appropriate sense of institutional anxiety.

In fact, many of the changes seem to stem, not from market considerations, but instead from impulses toward bureaucratization, desire for greater central control, old fashioned battles for prestige or turf, and even new, trendy management discourses and literature in “learning and teaching.” By my count, marketization is only one trend among many which vie to make life frustrating in the contemporary university: bureaucratization, centralization, casualization, entrenched feudalism in some parts, periodic waves of faddish managerial lingo or “learning and teaching” ideas, and “administrativism” (the imposition of administrative change for the sake of being able to claim that administrators have effected change). And yet there are also still strong streams of collegiality, collectivism, democracy, and meritocracy (the real thing) alive and well.

The language is “market,” but the mechanisms are a diverse collection, many of them highly centralized and command driven. What really makes me pull my hair out at work is not that my department budget is linked to student enrollment. That actually kind of makes sense.

Rather, I feel like I’m losing my mind when doing my job seems to be intentionally thwarted by absurd bureaucratization, when academic wisdom must defer constantly to external authority (even in academic matters), and when immense amounts of time and effort are tossed down deep holes, such as “research quality assessment” exercises (don’t even get me started on that one). At times, it feels more like being stuck in a Stalinist bureaucracy than a market-driven firm. The institution of management concepts like “key performance indicators” were supposed to allow greater autonomy to departments to pursue these goals, not lead to micromanagement, increased red tape, and the massaging of internal report mechanisms.

As I recently worked my way through an application for promotion (still pending), I was struck by how little the university had actually changed, when viewed from this perspective; parts of it still seem positively feudal. And that’s not such a bad thing at all. The key to surviving and maintaining one’s piece of mind in the university, at times, seems to be to figure out which rules are at play, sizing up which threats are real, and recognizing when crisis is manufactured. In fact, Australian universities are in for big changes in the coming decades, just as they have been over the last half century.

Recently, online debate sparked by Erin Taylor at the Open Anthropology Collective about whether or not universities were a good place to produce scholarly work have made me realize how difficult some anthropologists find it to distance themselves from their own institutions, how claustrophobic their professional positions must feel. I had almost forgotten how terrible it felt in the US, how I went through a bottle of antacid tablets every single semester while on the tenure track. Motivation from anxiety? I still don’t understand what psychological theory can make that one sound like good management…

Greg Downey


Works Cited

Callinicos, Alex. 2006. Universities in a Neoliberal World. London: Bookmarks Publications.

Creagh, Sunanda. 2012. “Universities must adopt or perish: Report.” The Conversation (24 October, 2012). Accessed at https://theconversation.edu.au/universities-must-adapt-or-perish-report-10293. Accessed on 11 January 2013.

Ernst & Young, Australia. 2012. “University of the Future: A thousand year old institution on the cusp of change.” Available at: http://www.ey.com/AU/en/Industries/Government---Public-Sector/UOF_University-of-the-future.

Gibson-Graham, J. K. 2006. A Postcapitalist Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

Passing with Pills: Redefining Performance in the Pharmaceuticalized University

"Adderall," by Flickr user AlexDoddPhotography.
College is a complex cultural object - it is simultaneously a physical place, a social institution, a time frame, a mindset, and an experience. For many Americans, it has also become a rite of passage into adulthood, where students are ritually removed from their pre-college life; faced with certain social, academic and even physical hardships; and then reintroduced to society with the anticipated rights and privileges of a college graduate. In this process, students are experimenting with prescription stimulants, namely Adderall, in order to manage and maximize their college experience. Despite the medical and legal risks involved with unsupervised use of these drugs, prevalence rates have been recorded as high as 35% and continue to grow (Wilens et al. 2008). In this piece, I want to use Adderall as a lens to look more closely at the modern university and how it is reflecting and/or reshaping what it means to a successful student in a pharmaceuticalized culture.

Anthropologists have argued that the increasing availability of pharmaceuticals has generated a sense of agency among healthy Americans who feel they could benefit from these technologies for non-medical purposes. For example, Vuckovic (1999) suggests that America is experiencing a “time famine” which encourages individuals to take medications to increase health and by extension, efficiency. In particular, the demand for prescription stimulants signals a desire for “flexible bodies” which work harder, needless rest, and can adapt quickly to new situations (Martin 2001). Given the rigorous schedules most students face in college, it is not surprising that many are turning to pharmaceuticals to help them keep up.

Most students who try Adderall for the first time do it out of desperation or curiosity, usually both. They see a friend taking the drug and studying for 6 hours straight, or it is offered to them on a silver platter the night before a big deadline. The fetishism over the drug stems from narratives of success, legends of the superhuman feats one can achieve in a matter of hours while on the wonder drug. Hence, it is not surprising that students begin to experiment with Adderall in order to mitigate the stresses of their own academic work. Michael, a non-prescription user explains that before he took Adderall, he had a difficult time studying:
It’s not like I didn’t make time, I would sit at the library for 10 hours and just stress out about how much I had to get done. I studied 30 minutes, and stressed for 9 and a ½ hours... but now I just pop an Adderall and I feel like ‘Hell yes, let’s do this!’ Then I just do it. It might be placebo or something, but for me, it works.
For Jenelle, a sophomore in biology, Adderall allows her to turn school work into a recreational activity and describes it as euphoric experience. She tells me:
When I am on Adderall, calculus is the most fascinating thing in the world to me. I don’t want to stop reading my textbook… solving math problems becomes a game that I have to win no matter how long it takes.
So, while Adderall use may not necessarily increase cognitive function for everyone, it can still generate the motivation, stamina and confidence necessary to complete academic work.

As Adderall continues to become a normative, and even anticipated part the college experience, prior notions of academic performance are being transformed. In the process, the types of work that are logically and ethically appropriate for pharmaceutical interventions come into question. Some students argue that Adderall is best for writing papers or even enhancing artistic abilities, while others are emphatic that it suppresses creativity and is only useful for basic memorization. As Jason, junior in physics puts it,
Adderall is only good for holding onto to information in your head, not its alteration. You just push it into your brain and reproduce it on the exam.
Even then, the length of time Adderall allows the user to commit information to memory rarely appears to be long-term. So while students work under more flexible notions of time, they must also navigate around the fleeting nature of the information Adderall makes available to them.

Stories of success with Adderall are also accompanied by cautionary tales of cognitive tradeoffs such as misplaced focus and quality of work. As a result, students rely on experimentation to directly inform what constitutes both the optimal drug and study experience, as well as when and how they register the usefulness of Adderall. Elizabeth, a freshman in chemistry tells me:
Adderall will make you want to work, but you can’t control the work you actually do. If you are lucky, you spend 10 hours writing a paper, but maybe you end up spending 10 hours cleaning your room or obsessing over making the perfect iTunes playlist.
She goes on to tell me that:
Now when I use Adderall, I make sure I am not in my dorm room, instead I go to the second floor of the main library where it is dead silent… I make sure that I close all the other windows in my computer and leave my cell phone at home so I don’t have any more distractions… I also make an outline of what I need to get done so once I am on the Adderall, all I need to do is fill in the blanks.
Josh, a non-prescription user in psychology argues that while it allows you maximize the quantity of work you can do, the quality of the work suffers greatly. He explains:
Once I wrote a 15 page paper in one night, I thought it was so good! And then I read it the next morning, it was complete rambling BS… but I turned it in and got a 2.5 so whatever, at least I got it done.
According to my informants, it is quite common to experience a false sense of euphoria, invincibility, and grandeur while completing academic work on the drug. In fact, many professors I have spoken with claim they can spot a paper fueled by Adderall based on these self-important narratives. It makes sense than that for students like Josh, Adderall is only used in a pinch for general education classes which are less important to his overall academic goals. Other students who recognize this tradeoff of Adderall use develop strategies to use the drug for long term goals and assignments. Kaitlyn, a junior in journalism tells me:
After turning in three or four shitty papers, I get that I can’t just use it last minute… Adderall gives me the kick start I need to get going on a paper, but now I make sure I have at least two days to revise a paper while I am sober to make sure it actually makes sense.
This shows that although students may feel “enhanced” while doing their school work, Adderall alone does not necessarily result in increased academic performance. Despite the variable experiences students have with the drug and questions of its actual efficacy, Adderall has become a normative part of the college social experience, where students take the pill together in order to get through the rigors of college in solidarity. Josh, a senior in sociology tells me that during finals week, his roommates ritualistically make breakfast, pop a few Adderall and lock themselves in the student union for hours. He tells me:
We know that once we are blasting on Adderall, no one else will be on our level or understand where our minds are at… so we developed a system so that we are in together, you know? Like we can all be blasting together and get shit done.
Sharing one’s acquired Adderall is another way to demonstrate solidarity among students. Allison, a senior in marketing tells me:
When I first met my best friend Kenny, he was standing outside of the lecture hall and he looked exhausted. I asked him what was wrong and he told me he forgot to take his Adderall before the test, so I offered him one of mine. After that, we were best friends for the rest of the semester, it’s the funniest thing!
During my participant observation at the library, I have heard students who are studying together tell each other “I am exhausted, want to split an Adderall and start the next chapter”? In most cases, the recipient is excited to get access to the drug and consumes it quickly. However, in some cases students turn down the offer of Adderall say but it is still taken as a gesture of good will, rather than an illegal proposition.

While questions of morality and merit remain central to neuro-ethical debates around cognitive enhancement, illicit Adderall use has become so normalized that many students admit to never considering these issues. Adam, a non-prescription user says to me:
Is it cheating? I don’t know, I never thought about it... Do people seriously think like that? Like does it whisper the answers in my ear? Or does it just write the paper for me while I sleep? No. What the hell does that even mean...is it cheating?
Abby, a senior in Economics tells me:
I definitely don’t consider it cheating. Your grade still reflects how well you know the material, whether you learned it in 10 weeks or 48 hours.
These rationalized claims over intellectual performance are rooted in a larger rhetoric of responsibility over one’s own academic future - an agenda that most students admit they developed during their college years. For example, Evan, another non-prescription user tells me that before college, he never considered taking Adderall. He explains that:
It wasn’t until I was mature enough to understand that grades actually mattered that I saw the value of something like Adderall. I think that’s why if my parents ever found out, they wouldn’t be pissed, they would be proud of me for taking initiative.
He goes on to tell me:
Everyone here has the opportunity to take Adderall to study if they really want to - so if they choose not to take it, that’s on them.
***

While these brief narratives capture only a snapshot from the lives of these students, they demonstrate how the circulation and use of Adderall on campus is more than just a risky drug behavior. It is a deeply moralized negotiation of health, performance, and social capital, which has become a part of this rite of passage. As educators and anthropologists working in this context, it is our responsibility to recognize shifting expectations that are placed on college students to take these drugs in order to survive college and move onto the “real world”. As society continues to value performance over learning, we distance ourselves from these individuals when they need our understanding and guidance the most.

While there is no hard and fast solution to this drug behavior, we can start by educating ourselves and having an open and honest dialogue with students about why they feel they need to use the drug. Next, we must take that knowledge and implement it into our own teaching strategies -in some cases may mean replacing finals week with more regular and diverse assessments throughout the semester. It may also mean more work on our part to make our courses relevant, exciting and worth their time because most students will never take an Adderall to study or write for a class they enjoy or care about. And finally, we need to have an open dialogue with each other and not assume the worst about our students (those lazy, cheating, drug users). We are a fundamental influence of this rite of passage and unless we acknowledge the problem to ourselves, we only supporting the notion that Adderall use is a legitimate strategy to achieving successful college experience.

Tazin Karim
Michigan State University

Works cited

Martin E. 1994. Flexible bodies: tracking immunity in American culture from the days of polio to the age of AIDS. Boston: Beacon Press. xxiii, 320 p. p.

Vuckovic N. 1999. Fast Relief: Buying Time with Medications. Medical Anthropology Quarterly 13(1):51-68.

Wilens T, Lenard A, Adams J, Sgambati S, Rotrosen J, Sawtelle R, Utzinger L, and Fusillo S. 2008. Misuse and diversion of stimulants prescribed for ADHD: a systematic review of literature Journal of American Academy of Child Adolescence and Psychiatry 47(1):21-31.

Fear and loathing in academia

In November 2012, I unexpectedly provoked an avalanche of online discussion with a blog post reflecting on the state of academia. I began with a few words on the increasingly hot topic of adjuncts and academic un(der)employment. Talk to someone who is, or has been an adjunct, a part-time faculty member, or a “teaching assistant” and they will regale you with tales of a wondrous existence: full-time schedules for insulting pay, piles of marking, long hours of preparation, no office space, no desk, not even an inbox or parking permit, no privacy and no respect. This is just the tip of the iceberg on adjuncting: "It's drudgery and adjuncts carry about the same status as a Wal-mart greeter or grocery bagger, and the pay is about the same". But if that is just the tip of the iceberg on adjuncts, then adjuncts are just the tip of the proverbial iceberg that is academia.

The adjunct issue is symptomatic of the unfortunate culture of formal academia today. What I chose to write about academia was not just about dire employment prospects and less-than-transparent hiring practices, although these are extremely important issues. Instead, I shared a series of real examples of maltreatment and incompetence: disrespectful hiring practices by lazy, unprofessional recruiters; thoughtless colleagues and distant collaborators; uncaring, abrupt administrators; an out-of-touch department head, and so on. It was not a pretty story, but it was a necessary one.

In sum, my open thoughts on academia (two of the most popular posts on my blog to date), were not simply a rant about joblessness, but a treatise on respect. There are problems with the way academics treat each other; especially, but not exclusively, how they treat powerless adjuncts, part-time and junior staff, or - the lowest of the low - students and job-seekers. Such problems within academia are reparable if enough people demand it. The power-holders can start by adjusting their own behavior. I’m not convinced that they even realize that they’re behaving incorrectly, but they should, which is why I spoke up. This affects us all, including tenured professors, all the way down to newly qualifying grad students peering through the glass and wondering how to get in or why they even want to.

Since my first post got picked up by Ryan at Savage Minds, related discussions on the subjects of academia, anthropology and disciplinary discontent have been taking place around the anthropology web. There are a few competing perspectives, but mostly everyone is on the same page: A lot of things suck in our professional lives and we should really figure out a way to do something about it.

I have also received commiserating messages with admittances of abuses of power and maltreatment from within departments. Some of what I have read has been inspirational while much has been disheartening. Some people offered explanations for our failed system (like the bureaucratization and corporatization of academia), while others put forward deeper concerns (over dominance, power and lack of agency in departments) and a small minority even attempt to offer long- or short-term practical advice to slowly piece together solutions. Most remarks suggest that changes in the university system, bureaucracy, funding and corporate mindset are responsible for a breakdown in communication within institutions. I certainly agree with this, even though it is not the entire story. David Graeber’s comment on Savage Minds addresses this issue:
The invasion of corporate, managerial principles in the university probably served as much political ends as economic ones. I went to an OWS seminar over the summer with Gayatri Spivak and she made one point that really stuck in my head: "even thirty years ago, when we said ‘the university,’ we meant, ‘the faculty.’ Now, when we say ‘the university’, we mean ‘the administration.’"
Thinking back to my time as a student, even as far back as my undergraduate years, almost all the teachers I had were fairly open about their discontent with the way the UK university system had changed over the past 20 or so years.

I had a lecturer who regularly got appreciative standing ovations from audiences of first-year students. This was no small feat. His manner was meticulous, his classes were tough and he left thoughtful feedback on my work. I signed up for everything he taught. His disdain for academia, a palpable mix of exasperation and sadness masked by black humor, was on permanent display. By the time I started my PhD, he had left university life entirely, which was sad for me because he was a really great lecturer and teacher. Asking around, I put together that (at least part of the story) he was fed up with the mess that had become of academia. What a loss to the profession, driven out by bureaucratic nonsense. His absence, which I had originally assumed was because he had simply moved to another job, lingered in my mind and got me thinking for the first time about the conditions that would cause someone to leave an academic career entirely.

The fact that academic departments and central admin talk past each other is nothing new. But there is no doubt that the administrative changes which have been most difficult to stomach have been at the departmental level. We can't shift the blame for these quite so easily.

Between my mostly enjoyable time as an undergrad and returning from my PhD fieldwork, things in my department had changed dramatically. Power was, and continues to be, increasingly concentrated in the hands of newly appointed administrative staff. Traits of the business model in academia that can be put down to the “corporatization” of universities irreversibly altered the dynamic of departmental relations in a matter of months. The environment became toxic to the extent that I hardly wanted to spend any time in my own building during office hours. I wasn’t the only one.

I luckily had the support of advisors who had known me for years and who were able to intervene in desperate times against the draconian admins. I pity newcomers with less of a support system in place. It is easy to overlook that research students before submission feel vulnerable and we were each, on various occasions, made to feel worthless by an administrator who appeared to be controlling an excessive proportion of departmental life. Eventually, I openly announced to other department members that I no longer wanted to have to personally deal with this person. To my surprise, even the other admin staff members were relieved to hear someone else say it. Yet, as far as I’m aware, nothing was ever done about it.

The easiest solution offered in response to complaints of intimidation is for those who feel abused at work to simply go up the hierarchy detailed in their handbooks and complain about the abuser to someone in a position of authority. This seems obvious, but there are a number of reasons why most students and junior faculty do not see this as an option.

1. They believe that it will affect their progress/status as a student or member of staff, from passing their PhD viva/defense to achieving tenure or keeping their job at all.

2. They would have to go on working or studying in a department where they have reset their loyalties and those of others, after which point they fear being outcast as "weak" or seen as a troublemaker to be openly or passive-aggressively excluded.

 3. They think that no one will listen.

4. It takes more time and energy than one has, given the workloads heaved on the bottom-feeders of a department like adjuncts and grad students, to take complaints fully up the ranks all the way to Chancellors or Presidents, putting their dedication to their work in jeopardy along the way.

5. In the end, no one actually listens.

In short, many academics, especially students, adjuncts and part-timers, find that it is easier to be bullied than it is to stop it, especially when it is not uncommon for complaints to higher-ups to be summarily ignored or brushed under the carpet. The fight is exhausting. Living with fear and anxiety in the workplace takes its toll, pace Forbes’ proclamation that academic life is a picnic. Conversely, it only takes something as simple as genuinely caring and interested colleagues aware of the potential hardships and challenges facing others in their immediate vicinity to lighten the daily grind of academic life and to expose or halt problems before they become endemic.

Because academia relies on such a hierarchical system, people are affected in different ways, separated by static categories and self-interest. Too often we suffer alone, hiding behind office doors churning out publications, cursing the process that we mindlessly reproduce. By the time I finished my doctorate, almost all of the senior staff that had openly expressed dismay at indiscriminate administrative changes or had otherwise been generally supportive and compassionate people in the department had retired or left. Those somewhere in between benefited from the system, kept quiet to avoid making waves, or perhaps even remain blissfully ignorant amidst their own career trajectories of how difficult it is for other members of the department.

How can anthropologists, of all people, remain so out of touch and disinterested in other peoples' hardships outside of the field? Do our own lessons on the global human experience offer us no input into life in the academy? I find this hard to believe. Making change from within the system is not nearly as difficult as we make it out to be. And it is really not that hard to be respectful, engaged, open and honest, which would prove an adequate starting point towards curing what ails us.

Francine Barone
Research Associate, University of Kent.

This essay is a modified version of content originally posted on Analog/Digital.

Neoliberal Education: From Affordable Education to Expensive Training

If uncontested, the coming decades promise a radical transformation of the basic objectives of the university and the potential destruction of one of the last institutions with acute possibilities for social liberation. Dreamed of by reactionaries for over 70 years, the dismantling of the universal public access model of education, which has typified the US postsecondary system since the end of the Second World War, has been made a reality by an ideal political economic conjuncture. Declining state revenues in the wake of recurring rounds of financial crisis, predatory private student loans, the rise of for-profit higher education, pernicious anti-intellectualism and technological fetishism have combined to precipitate deep cuts to higher education funding, and the neo-corporatist vision of the university is on offer in nearly every board of trustees across the US. In this essay, we reflect on some of the key political economic factors affecting higher education in the United States and how these factors are playing out both structurally and personally for us as an online program administrator and an instructor. We work in a regional public institution that has been forced to embrace a ‘new normal’ through the growth of online programs, representing a shift from degrees to professional credentialization.

The public university system of the United States was created during a period of intense social conflict that saw significant gains by labor against capital through the creation of social institutions consciously designed to improve social mobility. Most of those gains, however, have been eroded since the neoliberal counterrevolution of the late 1970s, with the destruction of unions and stagnating wages among the more obvious manifestations (Dumenil and Levy 2005, Peck and Tickell 2002). Until recently, public universities had been insulated from these broader political economic trends, but now universities across the world, and particularly in the US, are under assault. While those assaults take myriad forms and are specific to national, regional, and institutional contexts, we focus below on the growth and fetishization of online higher education. Simply stated, the movement toward online learning, hailed by its proponents as a democratic revolution, is little more than a pragmatic response by universities to a deception perpetrated by political elites, capitalists in the tech sector,[2] and increasingly powerful neoliberal NGOs like the Gates Foundation. Superficial, unengaging, and of questionable outcomes, online educational programs constitute a manifestation of the neoliberlalization of nearly everything for the public, students and educators alike.

It is not lost on the anti-educationalists, including politicians seeking to dismantle what’s left of the welfare state, tech entrepreneurs, and sections of Christian fundamentalists that a good crisis is a terrible thing to waste (c.f. French and Leyshon 2010). This has led to, among other things, the effective privatization of the institutions where we work- in Kentucky, the total state contribution represents less than 30 percent of the cost to educate one student, Students, faced with decreasing levels of state backed financial aid, social pressure to become credentialized for work that previously did not require university education, and sky-rocketing tuition costs, are being funneled into an array of educational profit-seeking ventures of varying levels of quality. Not surprisingly, the students enrolling in these programs come from distinctly different class backgrounds than students who enroll in traditional higher education, particularly at elite private institutions.

The ruling class will still be educated in brick and mortar institutions. You simply cannot train-to-rule -- the rulers must be educated (Mills 1956). As such, the university experience will no longer be classed by the type of university (i.e. R1, regional, or ‘for profit’), but by the very content of the experience and the mode of delivery. The types of experiences accrued by different students will clearly designate who can and cannot work where and how. This is best exemplified by the shift from degree/no degree to ‘work-certified’ versus ‘degree holders.’ The difference between training programs and education is fairly straightforward: training is generally the instrumental presentation of ‘the how,’ whereas education does not follow a simple ends/means equation and is a more expansive interrogation of ‘the whys.’

To be clear, we wholeheartedly support some forms of training--the role of labor unions in training skilled craftspeople has been invaluable in reproducing workers needed for a functioning industrial, and even post-industrial, society. However, the growth of massively expensive for-profit training centers such as Sullivan University (2012), which offers online associates degrees in such in-demand fields as ‘Beverage Management’ (costing graduates anywhere between $33,516 and $36,252) effectively traps students who are desperate for escape from low wage jobs in a private debt cycle, drains federal tuition subsidies such as Pell Grants, and creates an exceptionally lucrative model that appeals to neoliberal university administrators acting on imperatives to run their institutions like businesses.[1]

Other aspects of this corporate mindset in the contemporary university are manifest; one need only think of the now omnipresent consultant on public university campuses, evaluating everything from infrastructure ‘needs,’ to conducting presidential and provostial searches that were formerly conducted by faculty. The rise of consultants is mirrored by the spectacular growth in previously non-existent administrative roles. These well-paid positions thrive even as universities impose substantial cuts on intellectual and facilities labor and the outsourcing of student jobs that previously provided invaluable opportunities to students seeking to defray the rising cost of education. This administrative bloat coupled with reduced labor opportunities is reminiscent of society at large-wide trends in inequality of opportunity and remuneration.

All these factors have contributed to the further neoliberalization of the American university, but perhaps its most visible, and pernicious, effect is rapidly unfolding in the form of massive, open online classes or MOOCs. Much ink was spilled over the course of 2012 exploring various dimensions of MOOCs (Watters 2012). We would briefly note that the rise of MOOCs is predicated on support from the tech sector in return for future profit from software licensing. Ultimately MOOCs shift the labor of education onto the consumer (i.e. student) through innovations like ‘flipped classrooms’ that leave students exploring the predefined, standardized learning objectives. These flipped classrooms are the educational equivalent of scanning your own groceries at the supermarket —shifting aspects of the labor of education from faculty to student. Given that many MOOC initiatives are being pushed by tech entrepreneurs with the backing of venture capital, why should we expect MOOCs to behave any differently than the University of Phoenix’s of the world? Phoenix and other for-profits were recently chastized by a congressional report on for their blatant misappropriation of federal financial aid through high-pressure admissions practices fueled by recruiters working on a commission basis (Lewin 2012b). Any educational model that derives profit from students (or their tax-payer surrogates) will necessarily have to make decisions regarding profits versus product. Thus, such frivolities such as ‘humanities’ and ‘earth sciences’ must be eliminated in certification programs (or reductions in general education requirements in degree programs) to protect shareholder value, reflecting the basic shift in higher education from ‘why’ to ‘how’.

In the state we teach in, regional universities that receive little attention in the best of times are now forced to compete with one another for a finite number of students to justify their continued (paltry) state funding. As the broader educational terrain shifts to glorified training regimes, these regional universities are effectively cannibalizing each other in an educational race to the bottom. It is not the top-tier students who are suffering from this shift--MIT is not struggling to recruit from impoverished rural areas like regional universities that face declining enrollments. The move toward the ‘training-ization’ of the regional university [3] reinforces the classed nature of institutions by reducing economic mobility for students through less effective education coupled with the classed basis of financial aid and the politically intentional withdrawal of funds from state universities. The blame for rising educational costs is then placed on the university itself, rather than political decision makers, a classic “starve the beast” tactic (Blustein 1985).

The decline of the traditional campus in favor of online education has the added bonus of post-Fordist dispersion of dangerous populations and elimination of sites of struggle and resistance. It’s also cheaper. Furthermore, the reassignment of educational costs to students and families through rising tuition mirrors the neoliberal tactic of shifting the cost of workforce training from the private sector to the public, as in decades prior. This has the added bonus of propping up the financial industry that holds more than $150 billion in private student loan debt (CFPB 2012). This debt is different from almost any other form of debt, in that it cannot be discharged in bankruptcy proceedings (Durbin, 2012). It does not require much imagination to speculate as to what private financiers might do with $150 in debt assets, or its potential effects on the broader economy.

Finally, we note that in addition to having hugely negative ramifications for students and society at large, faculty will not emerge unscathed. The shift towards adjuncts and other forms of contingent faculty labor is well documented, as is the move to abolish the tenure system (Purcell 2007). However, these are only precursors of academic labor restructuring which the ‘training-ization’ of education promises. On offer is a three-tiered labor system consisting of a ruling class of content creators who designate what constitutes appropriate learning content and outcomes and who make course modules that can be licensed to individual institutions. The institutions (or individual academic units) would designate a content coordinator to select the modules best suited to their training programs. Finally, the vast majority of faculty would be relegated to the inauspicious position of “content deliverer,” clarifying the message of the content creator, contextualizing the material in the overall training program, and assigning grades to students who are overpaying for such certificates with extortionist private loans.

The shift toward training through the growth of online education is detrimental for students, educators, and society alike. But if this is the case, then why pursue this disruptive path? As in most things political-economic, this is a question best answered by asking ‘who benefits?’ In this case, the answer is fairly transparent: financiers backing for-profit education, private student-loan originators, and venture capitalists supporting online education software developers. As usual, the economic rationality is cloaked in the normatively positive language of ‘democracy’, ‘access’, and ‘efficiency’ (Harvey 2005). In other words, the shift toward training is an explicit class project engineered to more effectively transfer wealth toward to those who already control a lot of it. Consequently, our response must recognize this transition as such and respond in kind.

Patrick Bigger and Victor E. Kappeler

[1] The University of Phoenix is the United State’s largest recipient of federal student aid, totaling nearly $2.5 billion in 2008. Phoenix reported profits over $1.14 billion in 2010. Further, Phoenix does not offer tenure to its faculty—a faculty comprised of 1,500 full-time faculty and a whopping 20,000 adjuncts—95% of faculty is part-time, reflecting both broader neoliberal trends to ‘flexible labor’ regimes and specific trends toward reduced full-time faculty across educational institutions in the US (AAUP 2009). Fortunately, Phoenix, along with other online universities, have faced rapidly declining enrollments over the past two years (Lewin 2012a).

[2] It bears noting that many in the tech industry, particularly in California where MOOCs are becoming more prevalent at pioneering institutions like Stanford, are unabashed Ayn Rand-style libertarians (Curtis 2012), and further provide substantial fodder for the anti-formal education movement that has been encouraging potential high-tech entrepreneurs to either drop out or forego university education all together (Williams 2012).

[3] And in many economically marginal states, flagship/landgrant universities as well.


Works Cited

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Blustein P 1985 "Reagan's Record," The Wall Street Journal, October 21, 1985. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau 2012. Annual Report of CFPB Student Loan Ombudsman. Available at http://files.consumerfinance.gov/f/201210_cfpb_Student-Loan-Ombudsman-Annual-Report.pdf. Last accessed 5 January 2013.

Curtis A 2011. All Watched Over by Machines of Loving Grace. Dir Adam Curtis. British Broadcasting Corporation 2011. Television.

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Lewin 2012b. Senate Committee Report on For-Profit Colleges Condems Costs and Practices. New York Times. Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/30/education/harkin-report-condemns-for-profit-colleges.html. Last accessed 4 January 2013. Mills C.W. 1956 (2000). The Power Elite. London: Oxford University Press.

Peck J and A Tickell 2002. Neoliberalizing Space. Antipode 34(3): 380-404. Purcell, M. 2007. Skilled, cheap, and desperate: Non-tenure-track faculty and the delusion of meritocracy. Antipode 39(1): 121-143.

Sullivan University 2012. Beverage Management. http://sullivan.edu/beverage-mgt.asp. Last accessed 5 January 2013.

Watters A 2012. Top Ed-Tech Trends of 2012: MOOCs. Inside Higher Ed. Avialable at http://www.insidehighered.com/blogs/hack-higher-education/top-ed-tech-trends-2012-moocs. Last access 2 January 2013.

Williams 2012. Saying No to College. New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/02/fashion/saying-no-to-college.html?pagewanted=all. Last accessed 4 January 2013.