Showing posts with label Ryan Anderson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ryan Anderson. Show all posts

Saturday, July 27, 2013

Introduction: Ideas that send people around the world

I used to work in this little restaurant in Oceanside, California.  I worked there for about 8 years, including those strange, terrible years right after 9/11.  If you haven't heard of Oceanside, California, it happens to be located right next to one of the biggest military bases in the United States: Camp Pendleton.  So we had our fair share of soldiers--men and women--who came into our place.  They were all so young.  That's what I remember thinking.  Especially considering where they were going and what they were doing.

We had a pretty unique mix of people coming into that restaurant.  The place had a bit of grit, and the customers ranged from hippies to surfers to former meth addicts all the way to the soldiers.  A lively mix, yes.  Most of the folks who came in there had liberal/left politics going on, which made things interesting considering the fact that Oceanside is a big military town.  I remember one 4th of July there was this huge military parade passing by right out in front and one of the employees was blaring "Fortunate Son" by Creedence Clearwater Revival on the restaurant sound system.  It was a place of contrasts.

The place definitely wasn't a bastion of support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.  It was basically the exact opposite.  So I always found it intriguing that folks from the military came in.  They weren't coming to our place in droves by any means, but we had more than a few who came in pretty regularly.  I always wondered what they thought about the reasons behind the war--or even what they thought about all the anti-war folks.  I remember a few of these young people very clearly.  Sharp, short memories.

I remember talking to this young married couple when they both had just gotten back from serving in Iraq.  Both of them kept telling me how much they hated it over there, how it was a shithole, hell.  They told me it was all sand and heat.  They kept telling me over and over how terrible it was and that they never wanted to go back.  I had a hard time imagining these two--they couldn't have been much older than 21--all the way over in Iraq taking part in all of that.  They just wanted to get home.

Another young guy came in all the time before he was deployed.  He was blond, and tall, and so incredibly polite every time he came in.  He'd often try to bus his own tables and help us out when we were busy.  Then he was deployed, and I didn't see him for a couple years.  Then one day he came back in.  I started an afternoon shift and I saw him sitting at one of the tables near the register.  I watched him for a second.  I was glad to see he was ok.  When I talked to him he was as polite and soft spoken as ever.  I was standing alongside the table and he just looked at me and said he was so incredibly glad to be home.  He didn't have to say it; you could see it on his face and in his demeanor.  He looked relieved and content, but he also looked like there was a lot more to tell than the sort of surface conversations you have in momentary restaurant conversations.  I didn't ask.  I just put in his order and let him be.  At the end of his meal he said he was being deployed again and he would be heading out soon.  That was the last time I saw him.  I have always wondered what happened and where he is now.

There was another guy.  He was one of the most physically-fit people I have ever known.  The guy looked like a personal trainer or something.  I think he was a Navy Seal.  I can't remember--but it was either that or Special Forces.  He was also gung ho and loud--but in a very happy, gregarious sort of way.  When he came in with his friends you knew he was there.  Before he was deployed he came in for dinner with some of his buddies, who were also heading out.  They drank, ate, had a good time.  I never knew what to say.  I mean, it all seemed like it was inevitable.  They were being shipped to this place, for all of these reasons, and that was that.  By processes, machinations, forces.  So it seemed.  None of them ever talked directly to me about going to Iraq.  Not the details--they would just mention where they were going and leave it at that.  To me it all seemed senseless.  I think the boss took care of their dinner that night.  Nobody seemed to know what to do or what to say.  And then they left. But a year or so later this guy came back and he was different.  He was a little harder, but still nice.  His hair was longer and he seemed a little less connected or attached to the military.  He was less clean cut, less formal, less...something.  He looked like he'd been through a lot.  But I never really asked him about any of it.  I usually just tried to leave people in peace.  If that was possible.

***

Parade, Oceanside, CA, circa 2003.  Photo by RA.
All of that sending young people around the world to engage in war and violence stemmed from what took place on that crisp morning on September 11, 2001.  That was the spark that really sent the USA over the line and led to two wars that lasted for years and years.  It was depressing to see--how people reacted.  I remember that morning.  I was living with some roommates in Northern San Diego County.  One of my roommates woke me up.  He was in his room yelling "WAR!!" at the top of his lungs.  The guy wasn't pro-war...I think he was screaming about the insanity of it all.  He'd heard the news on the radio and that was his way of sharing the madness with the rest of the household.  I remember the chaos of those first few hours when news networks were reporting that we were under attack and everyone was wondering what it all meant.  Were we at war--or what?

It didn't take long for people to start sliding off the edge.  Losing their grip.  Within days there were reports of attacks against anyone who looked even remotely like they had anything to do with the Middle East.  American flags suddenly appeared everywhere--they were even being distributed by local newspapers in all the latest editions.  People I knew well talked about turning the Middle East into a "glass parking lot."  That's a quote.  AM radio stations ramped up the rhetoric.  I was 26 years old, and to me it looked like my country had gone completely insane.  With fear, mostly.  And this fear translated to hatred, violence, racism, you name it.  The next thing I knew we were dropping bombs on Afghanistan, and then invading Iraq.  None of the justifications made any sense.

Ground Zero, NY, 2004.  Photo by RA.
What was most striking was how a massive region full of people became stigmatized, essentialized as the epitome of evil.  I can't count the number of times I got into arguments with people, basically trying to argue that you can't judge millions and millions of people based upon the actions of 19 young men.  These conversations rarely went anywhere.  The ideas were set in place.  And it was those ideas--based in a particular knowledge of the world--that drove the whole machine.  The machine that sent billions of dollars of weapons across the world...and legions of young people with them.  War--the all-encompassing social, material, and physical violence of it--is a lot more than just guns and weapons and tanks.  It starts with ideas--about people.  Others.  The ideas people have about others are the basis for rationalizations, justifications, politics.  For war, and violence.

Anti-war protest, Santa Cruz, CA, 2005.  Photo by RA.
There are a few key life experiences that led me to anthropology, and 9/11 was definitely one of them.  I went back to school in 2002, in part motivated to find some answers to what was then a very vague sort of "what the hell happened" question that I had about everything that was going on.  It was a good path, I think.  Anthropology definitely provided a lot of insight into the racism, prejudice, and ethnocentrism that was running rampant back in those years.  That's a start.  It's something, right?

But then, look at where we are today.  Syria.  Libya.  And on and on.  Insight matters.  Perspective matters.  But we also clearly need something more.  And I think anthropology can be a crucial part of that something that we need to break the cycles of violence that plagued the entire 20th century, and which are certainly bleeding their way well into the 21st.  Perhaps a renewed anthropology could help transform the reasons why so many young people are sent around the world, year after year, decade after decade.  Maybe someday all those young people will be traveling for entirely different reasons.  Maybe.

***

This issue is about anthropology and war in a broad sense.  Perspectives about war, relationships between anthropology and war, personal memories, and more.  We have contributions from Spencer Gavin Smith, John McCreery, Emily Sogn, John Lunsford, David Price, and Steven Tran-Creque.  Thanks everyone for taking part in this project.  As always, feel free to post comments, responses, complaints, thoughts.  Whatever.  Or links.  Something.  Pass this around.  Let us know what you think.

Until next time.

RA

Friday, May 24, 2013

Introduction: Racism, hidden away

I think a lot of people in the US want to forget about racism.  They don't want to talk about it, bring it up, deal with it, think about it.  They want to tell themselves that racism was something that happened in the distant past.  Racism is a problem for history books.  Racism was a serious problem in the early days, back when the nation was first formed and slavery was an acceptable, rampant institution.  Or maybe back in the days of the civil war, when the US was literally torn apart amidst a time of deep racial inequalities.  Sure, that's when it was a problem.  And perhaps the problems of racism lingered until the 1930s or maybe the 1950s.  Yes, those were the days when things were really bad.  People want to tell themselves that today things are different.  Racism is history.

After all, since the days of the Civil Rights reforms, and the election of the first black president, clearly racism can't be a problem anymore.*  It's over and done with, right?  

Wrong.

A few short stories:

1. It's the mid 1980s.  I am driving through Los Angeles with an older family member.  I am about 8 eight years old.  This family member was part of the "white flight" out of some parts of LA that took place in the 1950s and 1960s.  This family member would often talk about "how things used to be" before all of "those people" started to arrive.  On this particular day this family member told me about a game called "Find The White Person" as we were driving through Los Angeles.  The game was supposed to be funny.  I'm not sure what I thought about it at the time, since I was a kid.  This is one of the subtle ways that certain ideas about "others" get passed down. 

2. Late 1980s, San Diego County, California.  I live in a small suburban neighborhood, not far from the beach.  I am about 12 years old.  A young man, exhausted, walks into our driveway.  He is wearing multiple layers of clothes and two jackets.  It's not cold outside.  He asks me, in quiet Spanish, if I have a can opener.  He's hungry.  Years later I understand things a bit more--this was a young man in his early 20s who had crossed the US-Mexico border in search of work.  A refugee from devastated economies and things like NAFTA.  But back then I was only about 12 and I just knew he was a desperate person.  He looked so tired.  One of the neighbors decided to help him out and let him stay with them for a while.  I thought this was a really kind gesture.  The neighbor across the street, however, was not happy about this.  Not because this migrant had done anything wrong, but because of how he looked.  It was a purely chromatic judgment she made, based more on her own ideas about people from "Mexico" than anything else.  She made some comment about turning the neighborhood into the "United Nations" or something like that.  I don't remember exactly what she said, but I do remember thinking that her anger didn't make any sense.  How could you hate someone you didn't even know?  But, again, I was 12.

3.  Late 1990s.  San Diego.  I am doing some research about family history.  I have some documents that provide little snippets of information about certain members of the family.  One of the stories talks about a person who used to tie his slaves' feet to trees while they were sleeping, put cotton between their toes, and then light them on fire.  They would jump up to run away, but they were bound to the tree.  He thought this was funny.  A joke.  Abusing people for fun and pleasure.  I don't want to see this story in my family history, but it's there, in print.  Undeniable.  I find another document during my search.  It's from the 1860 census.  The record identifies one of my distant relatives from Texas, and the dozen or so slaves he treated as property.  I wonder about the children this person raised, what he taught them.  I think about how these things, these realities, shaped the subsequent generations of my family.  These histories don't just disappear.  They affect.  They literally color realities with the stupidities and brutalities of racism.

4. 2007, Oaxaca, Mexico.  My wife and I are at a minor league baseball game in Oaxaca City.  The visiting team's pitcher starts to lose steam, so they call in a reliever.  He comes in from the bullpen.  He's from the Dominican Republic.  He takes the mound, and starts mowing down home team batters one after another.  The guy is good.  He's clocked at 97 more than once.  I am amazed.  But the drunken home team crowd is not happy.  They belch out vicious racist insults.  This is just one small sliver of the deep racism that pervades Mexico.  It's also when I start to learn that racism has different histories and characteristics in various places.  Racism in the US isn't the same as racism in Mexico.

5. 2009, Kentucky.  We just moved into a new house.  We've been there about a week.  We are the new people in town.  One day I am outside cleaning up after mowing the lawn.  It's late afternoon.  There's a guy walking, and he comes over to talk.  He likes to talk, a lot.  I nod my head, answer his questions.  When he finds out we're new, he starts telling me about "how things are here."  He tells me that certain kinds of people live in this part of the neighborhood, and others live over by the train tracks.  Then he says, "You know, everyone is racist in some way."  I understand this as an invitation to say something he is hoping to hear.  I don't bite.  For the rest of the time I live there I avoid him at all costs.

6. 2013, San Jose del Cabo, Mexico.  This was just a few days ago.  I had just arrived at the airport, and was standing at the car rental counter.  There's an American guy standing there too.  I say hello and engage in a bit of small talk about how hot it is there.  Then he asks me: "Do you like Obama?"  I say: "I don't really know who I like these days."  I'll admit, I wasn't quite ready for what came next.  The guy then proceeds to tell me a ridiculously offensive, racist joke about "people from Africa."  I then realize that his question about Obama was another one of those subtle tests to see where I stood.  I make it clear to him that I don't think his joke is anywhere near funny.  He doesn't say much and goes about his business, turns in his car, and goes on his way to the US.  I can't help but think about how many people like him are out there.  And I also wonder: did I say enough?  Should I have done something more?  Sometimes these things happen so quickly it's hard to know how to react.

Racism is out there.  Some people experience it in more subtle ways, and others, obviously, in more brutal ways.  More violent ways.  More relentless ways.  But the issue of racism--despite what so many Americans want to tell themselves--is anything but resolved.  It persists.  It plagues us.  And it's something that corrodes on a very deep, very personal, and daily level.

This issue is about anthropology and confronting racism.  It's not enough.  There needs to be more.  More education, more confrontation, more conversation.  But then, I don't think that education and conversation and dialog and all of that is enough.  It's not.  I don't think nice Powerpoint lectures about race are going to make the problems go away.  There needs to be something more, something deeper.  One thing is for sure though: racism surely isn't going away if we pretend that it's some historical artifact.  And that's what we've been doing here in the US for far too long: lying to ourselves, telling ourselves that race was a problem.  Ending that pattern, that lie, would be a start.  Then we can move on to the fact that race is about a lot more than just skin color, it's also about power.

***

Thanks to Agustin Fuentes, Nicole Truesdell, Francine Barone, Douglas La Rose, Candace Moore, Steven Bunce, and Jonathan Marks for taking part in this issue.  As always, I encourage reader comments, questions, concerns, and thoughts.  If you don't want to post on here, you can always email us at anthropologies project at gmail dot com.  Thanks for reading.

RA


*This is an argument that I hear among pundits (and others) fairly often.  The argument goes like this: since the Civil Rights era, all kinds of changes have happened, and racism is all but gone.  The election of Barack Obama is somehow proof of this.  This sort of argument often goes hand in hand with the "you're just pulling the race card" charge, which is sometimes used against anyone who tries to bring up the subject of racism.

Five questions with Jonathan Marks

Ryan Anderson: You focus on race and racism in a lot of your work. Why?

Jonathan Marks: Because it is the question that defined the field of physical anthropology for most of its existence, and we have learned a lot about it. But when I was in graduate school, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, physical anthropology was busily defining itself out of relevance. People were publishing fine books on, say, “Human Variation and Microevolution,” without mentioning the word race. They said, “There is no race, there is just population genetics, we have solved this problem, good night.” And everybody else said, “Actually race is important, and if you won’t talk to us about it, we’ll turn to sociologists and fruitfly geneticists, and worse yet, even to psychologists.”

So I’ve been interested in bringing the knowledge of the actual patterns of human variation, which biological anthropology ought to be the authoritative scientific voice of, to the broader scholarly community. This also involves the question of how biological and cultural anthropology connect. Race is a perfect example, because to make sense of race, you have to understand it as based to some extent on natural differences, and to some extent on the arbitrary cultural processes of classification, and the imposition of meaningful distinctions upon the universe of our experiences. So it isn’t really genetic, and it isn’t really imaginary--race is a fundamentally biocultural category, or a unit of nature/culture.

That’s why history shows so nicely how geneticists have been consistently able to identify human races when they have expected to find them, and to fail to identify human races when they don’t expect to find them. That’s because geneticists study difference, but race is meaningful difference. It’s the imposition of qualitative categories upon the quantitative facts of ancestry. The question of race isn’t whether two samples are different (because two human populations will always be different), but rather about whether the difference between them is large enough, or of the right kind, that makes the samples categorically different, rather than just being variants of a single category. That’s anthropological.

RA: How do you define "racism"?

JM: The political act of judging an individual by the properties attributed to their group, in which the group represents some salient aspect of the individual’s ancestry. We would like to imagine, rather, that we are judged by our own particular qualities and achievements. That is a different fallacy from the assertion that the US Census categories represent fundamental natural divisions of the human species, which is sometimes called “racialism” or “taxonomism”.

RA: Sometimes I hear the argument that we are living in "post-racial" times, and that racism is no longer an issue these days. What's your response to this sort of argument?

JM: The average life expectancy of black person in America is about 4 years shorter than that of a white person. Talk to me when they’re even.

RA: If you could clear up one misconception about race here in the US, what would it be?

JM: That race is a unit of biology or genetics, equivalent to a subspecies of chimpanzees or goats; rather than appreciating that is a unit of anthropology - a biocultural unit, the intersection of the biology of difference and the cultural facts of classification and sense-making, without a clear homolog in other species.

RA: Are anthropologists doing enough to confront racism these days?

That’s a trick question because both “yes” and “no” are problematic answers. I think the topic is being taught in more bio-anthro curricula than it was a generation ago, and that’s a good thing. There’s also a lot good books just out, that really highlight the biocultural nature of the enterprise: Jonathan Kahn’s Race in A Bottle, which goes into the story of BiDil , which the FDA approved for use specifically in African-American patients’ Rina Bliss’s Race Decoded, which looks at how human population geneticists conceptualize and talk about race; Nell Irvin Painter’s The History of White People, which looks at the intellectual and political history; Fatal Invention by Dorothy Roberts; Racecraft, by Karen and Barbara Fields - there’s a lot of good, accessible interdisciplinary scholarship now, which creatively engages anthropology.

Friday, March 15, 2013

Introduction: Yes, your health matters--now please get in line

It's easy: if you don't have money and you need health care services, you wait.  You just wait.  Yout sit in waiting rooms, you stand in lines, you fill out forms.  Then you fill out some more forms.  And you wait.  It's all about lines, and waiting, and patience, and hoping that your number or name gets called next.  Or soon.  Or at least sometime today.

Lines.  Health care is all about standing in lines.

I have heard some people joke about health care in Mexico: Sure, they say, everyone can get health care in Mexico--as long as they don't die in line waiting to actually see a doctor.  This problem is by no means isolated to Mexico.  Far from it.  One of my first experiences with this sort of thing was back when I was 17.  I ended up with a sinus infection that managed to gravitate to my eye, resulting in something called orbital cellulitis.  It was seriously painful, and I went to the ER.  But I ended up sitting in the waiting room as the clock ticked away because the hospital could not verify my insurance.  I had insurance, but they just had to make sure before they could actually start doing the health care thing.  There was a room available, yes, and everyone knew that the situation was not good.  But what mattered most was making sure the dollars and cents were taken care of first and foremost.  So I waited.  I will never forget what one of the doctors said about my waiting room experience when the surgery was over: "Ya, that could have killed you."

My experience with health care comes from life in the United States, and fieldwork/travel to various parts of Mexico (Baja California Sur, Oaxaca, Quintana Roo).  One way or another, when you travel or end up doing fieldwork somewhere you end up having to seek medical attention.  And this provides an opportunity to learn how things work (or, sometimes, how they don't work).

I remember one time my wife and I tried to go to a public clinic in San Jose del Cabo.  It was about 95, maybe 100 degrees.  Hot.  The clinic was ridiculously packed...and there was really no place to wait.  A long line of people, no chairs to sit, and the hot sun pounding down on us all.  We stood around for a while, then finally decided we could do without seeing a doctor.  But we were lucky we weren't dealing with an emergency.  We could afford to walk away, unlike the people who were there for more serious issues.  We have experienced similar situations in other parts of Mexico--crowded waiting rooms, overworked medical staff, long days of waiting and waiting for many people.  In some cases, people aren't even sure if they will get to see a doctor that day (this is the case in a lot of rural clinics that do not have enough staff).  They just have to wait, and hope that they can eventually get some sort of attention.  I have seen the same issue in county clinics and public hospitals in the US as well.  Waiting.  Lines.  Forms.

But I need to make something clear: health care is about waiting, and standing in line, for some people.  Not for everyone.  Many people in the US, Mexico, and all around the world can get quick, good medical care.  As long as they satisfy certain requirements.  Like having the right medical insurance plan.  Or a credit card with a deep line of credit.  Or cash.  You see, it's often just a matter of money.  Just like I learned a long time ago in that hospital waiting room.  Sure, excellent health care is technically available--in the US and in Mexico--but it's a matter of getting access to that care.

So "Whose health matters?"  Well, one answer to that question is this: The people who have the dollars or pesos or Euros, that's who.  Because they're the ones who get in the door, while the rest seem to wait endlessly in the lobby of a county clinic, a rural hospital, or some ER in downtown Los Angeles.  For the people who don't have the right health insurance, or financial resources, there's the old saying: "All in good time."  Right?  Sure, as long as you have enough time to wait around until that person with the white coat and clipboard appears and finally calls your name.  In the meantime, just keep waiting.  We will be with you shortly...

***

This issue is all about the politics of health care--the contradictions, promises, discrepancies and inequalities that run rampant in health caree systems in the US and abroad.  We have contributions from Tazin Karim, Jennifer Wies, Will Robertson, Anne Pfister, Lesly-Marie Buer, Gregory Williams, Monica Casper, Carla Pezzia, Emily Noonan, Sean Tango, Erik Hendrickson & Samuel Spevak, and Veronica Miranda.  Thanks everyone for sending in your essays and taking part in this project.  I hope you enjoy this issue, and more than that I hope it can help create a little conversation, or dialog--or at least make us think a little more about the politics, shortcomings, problems--and possibilities--of our health care systems.  As always, please feel free to post your comments, or email us at anthropologiesproject at gmail dot com.

Thanks,

RA


Update: Edited for clarity on 3/16/13

Thursday, January 17, 2013

Introduction: Speaking of the neoliberal university


I recently watched a piece on PBS's Frontline called "College,Inc." It's all about for-profit universities. And, considering how things are going in many of our colleges here in the US, I couldn't help but wonder if this is a glimpse of things to come for our educational system. For-profit institutions are, after all, the "fastest-growing sector in higher education" (Delbanco 2012).

The Frontline piece is mainly about for-profit universities like the University of Phoenix and Devry and others of that nature (like Grand Canyon University). In theory, the basic mantra of for-profits sounds pretty reasonable, if not outright noble: They claim to serve all of the people who, for some reason or another, cannot get themselves into the traditional university/college system. In practice, however, the for-profit system is laden with all sorts of problems, discrepancies, and false promises. One of the main issues being the foregrounding of marketing and recruiting over education (this is explained pretty well by Frontline). When constant growth and enrollments become the primary goal, obviously education is going to suffer. And when it comes to many of these universities, it has.

Institutions like the University of Phoenix are basically run like a corporation. If we're wondering where the neoliberalization of the universities is taking us, this is a good place to get a good glimpse of the future. On the plus side, this means that they are able to make quicker decisions, focus on innovation, and achieve a sort of nimbleness that we won't usually find in the traditional university systems (with their thick bureaucracies). But the downside of running a university like a corporation is, well, that you're running it like a corporation. This means that making money is the ultimate goal, despite the fact that education is supposed to be the primary mission.

They key part of that sentence is "supposed to be." Education you ask?  What?  Sorry, the for-profit folks can't hear you over the barrage of noise coming from their overworked (and very friendly) telephone recruiters.

Here's a basic rundown of some of the characteristics of for-profit education. First, they are not held back by the brick and mortar mentality of traditional universities. These universities still have buildings and campuses, but not in the way that many four year universities are set up. Many of the University of Phoenix campuses, for example, are conveniently located near major freeways. Second, there is no tenure system. If teachers aren't performing, they aren't going to get another contract. Third, the administration makes a lot of money (this was openly admitted on Frontline). Fourth, tuition at these universities is VERY expensive (about twice what students pay at traditional universities). Fifth, from a business and marketing perspective, these universities are incredibly successful. They are making money, no doubt about that. And finally, as is clearly stated on Frontline, the Federal financial aid system is the "lifeblood" of these universities, and accreditation is key to getting those funds.

The problem? Well, the problem is that all of the marketing and moneymaking does not necessarily translate to a good education, and this has lead to numerous lawsuits, including this one. And more recently, this one.

Many of these for-profit universities make a lot of promises, and, despite all of the glitz, aren't really fulfilling them. Well, not to the students who pay them for education, but I am sure the shareholders aren't complaining. These institutions might be the epitome of the neoliberalization of education, in which all value hinges upon finance and money, rather than education. But the troubling practices are surely not limited to the for-profits of the world: similar philosophies are clearly finding their way into more "traditional" universities, especially since the economic meltdown of 2008-09. Traditional universities are certainly "for-profit" in their own right, depending on who you ask.  

I suppose University of Phoenix and its ilk give us a nice picture of what life will be like if and when we continue to head all the way down the neoliberal path. At least we know where we're going...to a place laden with tremendous debt, empty degrees, and plenty of litigation. Oh, and lots of profit, for some. So there's one option: we can take the university system full bore down the for-profit, privatized trail blazed so willingly by the U of Phoenix folks. We'll be in the hands of administrators like the former director of the University of Phoenix who, when asked about the purpose of education, said: 
I'm happy that there are places in the world where people sit down and think.  We need that.  But that's very expensive.  And not everybody can do that.  So for the vast majority of folks who don't get that privilege, then I think it's a business [cited in Delbanco 2012 and the Frontline episode].
And there you have it.  The choice is ours.  What side will you pick?

***

For this issue we have contributions from Francine Barone, Erin Taylor, Keith Hart, Tazin Karim, Patrick Bigger & Victor Kappeler, and Greg Downey.  I think Francine sums up the underlying theme of the issue quite well in her essay when she writes: "There are a few competing perspectives, but mostly everyone is on the same page: A lot of things suck in our professional lives and we should really figure out a way to do something about it."  Nailed it.

Please read, pass this around, comment, and find your own way to keep the conversation going.  That's a good first step toward eradicating the "suck" from academia.

R.A.


References

Delbanco, Andrew.  2012.  College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be.  Princeton University Press.  Kindle e-book version.

Review of Andrew Delbanco's "College"

Book Review: Delbanco, Andrew. 2012. College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be. Princeton University Press. Kindle e-book version.

What is college? What are the historical roots of the very idea of "going to college"? What should we expect from a good college education? What, ultimately, is the point of sending legions and legions of young people to college year in and year out?

These are some of the questions that Andrew Delbanco, Director of American Studies at Columbia University, tackles in his book College: What it Was, Is, and Should Be. Using a good dose of history--and plenty of references and allusions to some great works in literature--Delbanco explores the historical and philosophical roots of today's colleges, how they have changed over the ensuing years, and what we should hope for them in the future.[1]

Delbanco sets up his case in the introduction. The point of the book is to highlight the fundamental principles of college that that have been "inherited from the past, are being challenged in the present, and should be indispensable in the future" (Loc 168).* His goal is to clearly articulate what college should do for students, above all else.

College is, according to Delbanco, one of the great innovations to come from the United States. But one issue here is that many people often conflate the idea of college with that of the university. There is an important distinction to be made, and Delbanco makes sure we get it. Colleges, he explains, are places where knowledge is transmitted to undergraduates so they expand upon it, draw from it, and use it for the future. Universities, on the other hand, are places where faculty and graduate students are focused on the goal of creating new knowledge. Sometimes the primary goals of colleges and universities align, and sometimes they clash in maddening ways.

Delbanco challenges us to think critically about what's at stake here. College, he argues, is a place where young people navigate the tricky waters between adolescence and adulthood. It is supposed to be a place that helps students on their path to knowledge about themselves and the world around them. Lastly, college should play the vital role of instilling "certain qualities of mind and heart requisite for reflective citizenship" (Loc 124). Those qualities include: a healthy skepticism of the present that is deeply contextualized by knowledge of the past; the ability to connect phenomena that seem disparate; a scientifically- and artistically-informed understanding of the natural world; a willingness to imagine the world from the perspective of another; and finally a sense of ethical responsibility. Those qualities, Delbanco reminds us, are not commodities. They are not to be produced and then bought and sold. Importantly, they cannot be developed by the limited study of either science or the humanities, but instead require a well-rounded education. Finally, he implores us to understand that such qualities cannot be revealed by grades and exams, but instead only through "the way we live our lives" (Loc 134).

Delbanco approaches these issues with a measure of calm, often using historical and literary examples to remind us that our current crisis is not necessarily as new as we sometimes assume. This is a good reminder for those of us who get wrapped up in current debates. But he quickly rebounds to warn us that the wolf is indeed at the door, since we are undoubtedly going through a period of "wrenching change" in our colleges and universities. One of the biggest problems, he says, is a serious lack of consensus about what students should learn in college.[2]

Chapter one begins with a focus on the relationship between student and teacher. The dynamic between the two is a fundamental--and difficult to measure--aspect of the learning process. Teaching is a generative act, says Delbanco, in which the knowledge of one generation is passed down to the next. Through the act of teaching, everything that we learn in our lives will not be lost.

This is undoubtedly a romantic if not idealistic view of the learning process. Delbanco is the first to admit that college is, for many, a kind of "American pastoral" that is romantically linked to our ideals about learning, science, and the "traditional" college experience.

But he interrupts this pleasant story by reminding us, sharply, that this romantic view has very little to do with the actual experience of most college students today. For many, this idea of college is a rumor, or maybe a distant dream at best. While the number of undergrads has grown over the last several decades, the number of students enrolled in liberal arts programs has not. More and more students these days are experiencing college in commuter or online institutions that focus primarily on vocational training. Delbanco explains that we can expect something along the lines of 20 million undergraduates in the coming years, but only a small fraction of them will actually attend college in the traditional sense.

So this means we have fewer and fewer students going down this path every year. And what's missing? What's being lost when less students go to college and learn in that traditional sense? Delbanco tells us that what college is really all about is helping students figure out not only what matters, but what's worth wanting. Another way to put this: college is about instilling a certain set of values in students, and if less are going through this system, well, we can all wonder about what this means for society as a whole. Ideally, Delbanco explains, college is supposed to be a place where students receive critical guidance as they learn how to start asking and answering questions for themselves. It's a place where people learn what they are all about, and starting figuring out who they are and want to become.

But many of today's students show up to college with a range of habits, ideas, and behaviors firmly set in place. A lot of them are deeply concerned about how they stack up with their peers. College is an incredibly competitive place these days, and that competition takes a variety of forms. And as Delbanco makes quite clear, there is ever more pressure to justify the costs of getting a degree, and that means that college is less and less an escape from "the real world."

In some fundamental ways, college (in a broad sense of the word) has changed very little in the past couple thousand years. Delbanco points out that our methods of teaching have remained remarkably unchanged for some 2400 years, since the days of Socrates. And students have always been looking for purpose, for something to care about. Past and present, he says, students have been bored, confused, and unsure what, exactly, they are supposed to get from the college experience. This is the purpose of college. It is supposed to be a place of "learning in the broad and deep meaning of that word" (Loc 425), not just some place to build social contacts and networks.

All things considered, Delbanco sees this as a time for some serious self-reflection about where things are heading with our nation's colleges. He outlines three primary answers to anyone who happens to ask about the purpose of college: 1) college is supposed to improve the economic health of the nation while also fortifying the economic competitiveness of individual citizens; 2) it's supposed to be about the education of "the whole person," in part to foster a viable and robust democratic system. A key part of this aspect of the college education, explains Delbanco, is the development of what he calls the "bullshit meter"; and finally, 3) college is supposed to provide a liberal, general, open, and inclusive education--and this is the part that Delbanco sees as the most threatened.

The next chapter looks at the historical and philosophical roots of college. Delbanco (who often writes about religious history) explains that the idea of college goes back to 17th century Protestants who made their way to New England. The earliest colleges in the US were modeled after the great European institutions like Cambridge and Oxford. In essence, those first American colleges were places of retreat for what Delbanco calls "scholars of divinity" (Loc 601). The general public, for its part, was strictly kept out of these institutions.

In the words of Samuel Eliot Morrison, one of the founding principles of these places of study and learning was to "develop the whole man" (Loc 644). Students studied scripture, but that wasn't all they focused on. They also studied history and natural philosophy, which were fundamental aspects of system of learning in which various branches of knowledge were deeply interconnected. Delbanco's point here is to highlight the integrated nature of learning in these institutions, whose goal was to build and foster the inner character of students. The foundation in religious institutions is significant for Delbanco's overall argument. "College was once conceived not as a road to wealth or as a screening service for a social club," he writes," but as a training ground for pastors, teachers, and, more broadly, public servants" (Loc 1021).

Chapter three covers the changes that took place after universities arose on the scene. Colleges were, in the early days, relatively small institutions--very different from the large universities of today. Research universities, he explains, arose in the years after the American Civil War. It was during this time that the word "university" came to refer to an "institution whose mission encompassed research and professional training alongside the teaching of 'undergraduates'" (Loc 1210). Universities were created, in part, to advance specific disciplines, whether math, chemistry, law, or other fields. They represented a shift in authority in American education away from the purview of the church and into the hands of newly created academic associations. Faculties, for their part, were transformed into highly certified professionals who were ranked and ordered by accreditation standards and a peer review system (Loc 1229).

There was a clear shift in the power dynamic in American education, and one aspect of this was the fact that universities became the source for all new faculty once the PhD. rose to prominence as the dominant degree in academia. Colleges and universities were rivals, but, as Delbanco explains, universities undeniably had the upper hand. One side effect of this unbalanced rivalry was the slow devaluation of undergraduate teaching in the educational milieu. This led to many debates about the place of undergraduates in higher education. Delbanco points out that universities came to be seen as the "most evolved" on the institutional chain, and this resulted in serious conflicts between the original mission of American colleges and the new demands and interests of their competitors in the universities.

All of this boils down to a battle over funding, resources, and who gets priority. Despite all of the rhetoric coming from major universities today, it's pretty clear that undergraduate education ranks fairly low on the scale. This is not a recent trend, even if what we are seeing today is more pronounced than conditions in the past.

Competition for resources is one issue that Delbanco highlights. Growth is another. In the university, the growing college ranks encourage more and more specialization. As the student body grows, there is a tendency to break education down into more specialized compartments (i.e. departments). Growth is also fueled by the need to increase tuition revenue, which is vital for supporting research, funding financial aid, and creating an alumni base. (This is basic math: more students equals more money). In the 20th century, college and university ranks also grew because of the rise of co-education in all male institutions (which often refused to decrease the number of males when they accepted women, thereby increasing overall student population). In the 21st century, the growing student body is increasingly composed of international enrollments.

The problem with growth, argues Delbanco, is that it's a threat to the "collegiate ideal" (Loc 1342). Mostly because rising student populations quickly outpace the supply of faculty who can teach them in an efficient--and meaningful--way. Basically, as colleges and universities have transformed into enrollment-seeking money farms, education has suffered (my words, not Delbanco's). It has been a serious challenge to keep mandatory or core courses small enough to encourage effective teaching. Many institutions, Delbanco explains, completely avoid this challenge altogether.

What all of this means is that college today is a slim reflection of what it once was--and what it could be. I remember one of my undergrad professors who made this very point in one of his lectures, basically telling his class packed with 60 something students that we had "no idea" what college education was really like. He told us about the days in the 1960s and 70s when undergraduate classes were small, dynamic, and completely different from the over-packed, crowded education that is the norm today. [3] As Delbanco makes quite clear, the "community" aspect of many of our colleges and universities is gone--and has been for some time. Learning seems to be another casualty.

His last point in this chapter focuses on the importance of science in the university. Science is, he says, the central foundation in the growth of the modern university. This is partly because of the cumulative nature of science, which leads to an undeniable accumulation of knowledge over time (Thomas Kuhn might have something to say about that though). This is one reason why anything associated with "science" has an advantage when it comes to garnering resources. Science is also linked with technological innovations that are widely available and appreciated by the general public. In short, science results in a fairly direct return on public investment, as opposed to disciplines in the humanities, which operate with very different underlying ideals and goals. The point of science is to seek truth by replacing old ideas and information with the new, while truth in the humanities is more about the examination, reconsideration, and "rearticulation" of truth over time (Loc 1454).

Despite all of the debates about the limits of progress, it's pretty safe to say that many people still associate science with the idea of progress in one form or another. And Delbanco points out, rightly, that notions of progress, especially the kinds that are optimistically linked with science, certainly have their shortcomings (World Wars I and II are examples he brings up--Germany, after all, had some of the finest scientist and universities of the 20th century). Still, he tells us, many colleges strive to teach their students to "think scientifically," a powerful trend that has led numerous humanities programs to mimic scientific narratives, practices, and discourses (Delbanco mentions "scientific history" as one result of this kind of mimicry). All of this has led to the devaluation of literature, history, philosophy, and other fields, making them into little more than the lowly "stepchildren" of higher education (Loc 1522).

For Delbanco, this is a serious loss, since these fields of study are what give us a "vocabulary" for our most important questions. He writes, "In fact, the humanities may have the most to offer to students who do not know that they need them--which is one reason it is scandalous to withhold them" (Loc 1526). Science, he argues, tells us nothing about "how to shape a life or how to face death, about the meaning of love, or the scope of responsibility." The humanities, he continues, help students (and the rest of society) question our assumptions of today through a critical understanding of the past. His end point of this chapter is this: Many of the problems we face today, when viewed in the light of history, are not all that new. And technology, let alone science, cannot solve all of those problems. So maybe we need to rethink a few things. History is a good place to start. Well, if there are any history departments left, that is.

Delbanco moves on to discuss who goes to college, and who pays for it. He explains that the opening of the university was a slow process. College was once a place for rich, male, predominantly white students. In earlier days, elitism, prejudice, sexism, and outright racism plagued many college campuses. And that's why we have every reason to be critical of the past practices of our best institutions (this critical view of the past is one decisive way to cut through the romantic glow we sometimes cast upon history). Today, however, a lot has changed. Whereas colleges and universities of the past were all about preserving social uniformity, diversity is the mantra of today. Thanks to the founding of women's colleges, the breakdown of racial barriers, the GI Bill after World War II, and the creation of community colleges (among other changes), higher ed is much more diverse--and democratic--than it once was.

However, Delbanco is quick to challenge this narrative of social progress we like to tell ourselves. Despite the real advancements that have been made, he argues, racial discrimination and socio-economic inequality have not been vanquished from our colleges. Low income students, for example, still face tremendous challenges when trying to attend elite schools, let alone just getting to and through college. Our story of progress has slowed--or maybe it has stalled completely. Why?

The primary reason, according to Delbanco, is the massive disinvestment in higher education. In order to make up for this shortfall, tuition rates have continued to rise. Now that the funds have run out, many colleges seem more worried about getting enrollments than anything. They seem to be completely preoccupied with recruiting, marketing, and maintaining prestige than taking a critical look at what, exactly, they're really doing. Education seems to have fallen by the wayside.

As available funds continue to evaporate, the pressure continues to increase. Colleges across the country are undoubtedly under tremendous pressure, especially after the economic crash of 2008. There are various practices that only add to this pressure, and the national ranking system is one of the most prominent. Prestige is everything in this game. It is often maintained, mind you, by trying to build up an air of "selectivity" in the admissions process (this refers to the amount of applicants who apply versus the amount who are actually accepted--the higher this ratio the more "selective" a college appears, and this is one of the primary categories in the national ranking system). The pressure to keep recruiting and maintain a high national ranking has led to many problems with what Delbanco refers to as our "admissions culture." This includes, ultimately, an increase in what he calls "deceptive" practices. The problem with the selectivity game in our colleges is that "the quality of the educational experience is confused with how many applicants [they] turn away" (Loc 1793).

And then there's the problem with test scores. Or, rather, the "obsessive concern" with test scores, as Delbanco phrases it. Despite evidence that standardized tests (SATs, GREs, and so on) are questionable predictors of student potential, they are an integral part of the whole university/college dynamic. You can't get anywhere, it seems, without taking one test or another. Delbanco points out that we should be at least a little wary of the value of standardized tests, since higher test scores can often be linked to households with more money and resources. If greater access to money and resources lead to higher test scores, then we need to rethink not only our attachment to those tests, but also the role they play in our national admissions culture. We also need to question what those tests really measure. If money can buy higher test scores, then ultimately what this means is that it's also buying admission into select colleges--through a seemingly legitimate--and fair--process.

Coming up with a laundry list of inequities is easy, Delbanco tell us. And it allows us to stand on the sidelines and hurl condemnations and complaints at our colleges and universities. But he wants to remind us that these kinds of issues are, in the end, deeply ethical questions--just the kind that should be part of a good college education (Loc 1819). What does he mean by this? Well, he's talking about the ethics and politics of college admission processes--the decisions about who gets in and who doesn't. How many parents, for example, are going to tell their kids they will not use family money to help them prep for tests? "And while it's natural to feel resentment when other people's children enjoy advantages denied to our own," writes Delbanco, "for centuries very few people objected to what amounted to affirmative action for whites" (Loc 1822).

Delbanco's point here is that we face some serious ethical issues, and they need to be discussed and confronted. There are no simple answers, he says. But one thing is clear: many of the college admission processes are "heavily weighted in favor of students from families with means" (Loc 1850). The truth we have right in front of us is that today's colleges do a lot more to reinforce rather than challenge wealth disparities in the US. And while the exclusionary practices of today may be less overt than those of the past, they are, Delbanco says, more insidious (Loc 1887). Even more alarming, he writes, is that there seems to be "much less indignation about the present than the past," in part because the haves and the have-nots know less and less about one another.

This leads us to the 1958 book The Rise of the Meritocracy, by Michael Young, which Delbanco uses to make a couple of critical points. The word "meritocracy" is often used in positive terms today to refer to a system in which people who work hard obtain well-deserved results. But Young's book was written as a satirical warning of what could happen if we go too far down a certain path, Delbanco reminds us. The book is, Delbanco explains, an "amazingly astute description of what we have become--a society dedicated to the one overriding purpose of economic expansion," in which "people are judged according to the single test of how much they increase production" (Loc 2047). Here Delbanco lays out a few more of the key problems: 1) colleges are too close to the world of money and finance; 2) faculty is underpaid and overworked; and finally, 3) among students, the gap is widening between the majority and a select few...and colleges continue to focus on marketing and selling their programs through amenities, rather than focusing on improving how they educate their students. It is difficult to name just one problem, he says. But one there is one issue that seems to underlie much of what we are talking about. Delbanco sums it up as a widespread sense of "drift" (Loc 2241).

College and university used to be places where a person could go to improve their lives, to learn more, and to find the right path in life. But, Delbanco explains, many of our assumptions about what leads to a good, successful life are being called into question--if not radically challenged (especially as student loan debt continues to rise). Delbanco's argument is that far too many colleges aren't doing enough to help students through these difficult times. They are, he writes, failing to "reconnect their students to the idea that good fortune confers a responsibility to live generously toward the less fortunate." The idea of "community" as a core principle of college has been lost. So what can be done?

The last chapter in the book tries to tackle that very question--although it's more of a series of meditations about possibilities than a programmatic discussion about the steps we need to take to "fix" college. Delbanco begins by telling us that much of the current writing about college belongs in a special literary genre: the funeral dirge. Many assume that college as we know it is a dying species...like some doomed elephant making its way along the graveyard path. But Delbanco isn't quite so morose, despite his critical views about colleges, universities, and higher ed in general. He reminds us, again, that a good understanding of the past can help us realize that doomsday prophecies are more often wrong than right.

However, he admits, many of the predictions have already come to pass (at least in some respects). College as a community of learning is already an anachronism for many of today's students. Millions of college-aged Americans never step foot on a college campus at all. Delbanco gives us some of the hard facts: For young people who are stuck in the lowest income quartile, the chance of making it to college is about 20 percent (1 in 5). By the age of 26, less than two-thirds of white high school grads are enrolled in college. And the figures for minorities are much lower: a little more than 50 percent for blacks, and even less for Hispanics. Even when students do manage to enroll, less than 60 percent finish in six years, and about 30 percent don't finish at all (Loc 2284). That "traditional" college experience that permeates our national culture, it seems, is often little more than a dream. And an unrealistic one at that.

And if students aren't exactly getting the mythical college experience, Delbanco continues, neither are the teachers. In 1975, about 60 percent of professors were full-time and on the tenure track. Today, that number has dropped to about 35 percent. What this means is that most students today are taught by part-time employees "who have a limited stake in the institution where they work" (Loc 2315). Cutting tenure and hiring a workforce or temporary laborers makes perfect sense, Delbanco argues, in a system dominated by marketplace rules and ideologies. However, by the measures of educational value that he extols in this book, they make no sense at all.

His argument is that there is far too much discussion about things like "cost" and "access," and not enough about what is happening on campuses once students actually get there. Delbanco still thinks that the ideal of college has tremendous power for motivating and inspiring today's students. He delves into examples of some of the "best practices" out there, and expresses his agreement with the idea that online education does indeed have plenty of potential to reduce some of the equity gaps that plague the college system. Technology can, of course, be a part of the solution. But, he says, we need to look into "low tech" solutions that are working right now while we wait for the high tech university of the future (after all, it may never arrive).

And this is where Delbanco makes his stand. His most passionate argument is about the importance of teaching--and teachers who care about what they do. "The proffered rewards of academic life," he explains, "have nothing to do with demonstrated concern for students" (Loc 2509). Often, teaching is a reward in and of itself--and not much more. So what this means for Delbanco is this: we need to try to "produce more teachers who care about teaching." How can that be accomplished?

He sees a problem with trying to make "research" the bogeyman in this equation, and implores readers to think about things differently. There's really no reason why teaching and research have to be thought of in oppositional terms. They can be complementary, in fact. But this doesn't mean that good researchers are automatically good teachers. In fact, that's not the case at all. A little luck is necessary to get both qualities in one person. The ability to teach, Delbanco writes, can't really be measured or granted by some advanced degree. It just doesn't work that way. And one problem is that higher education can, and often does, completely kill the "zeal for teaching" that individuals have in earlier stages of their career. Talk about a Catch-22. We have a serious problem if the process of "professionalization" actually drives teachers away from teaching.

The problem isn't research. Delbanco really drives that point home. The problem, he says, is that universities use colleges (which are there to recruit and educate undergraduates) as a way to subsidize research--and the training of future researchers. So the real issue here is the relationship between universities and colleges--and between the twin goals of teaching and research. This problematic relationship is instilled in graduate school, where teaching is often seen as either a requirement or a burden. Few graduate programs make an effort to distinguish between good researchers and those who "show promise for the classroom." Teaching is often treated as something that students do along the way to the real goal of becoming professional researchers. This translates on down the line throughout the institutional culture.

In Delbanco's view, the failure to integrate teaching into grad programs is no less than "astonishing," but, as he points out, this situation is basically a non-issue throughout much of academia. It simply doesn't matter. Few pay attention or seem to care. Yet, year after year, new PhDs are released into the educational system, and many of them spend a great deal of their time seeking employment--as teachers. Delbanco brings up an apt analogy here: This would be akin to medical schools granting MDs to students who haven't completed their clinical rotations. Skipping over this requirement might make sense for those who are destined to be lab or bench scientists, but "the notion of sending a young physician to a patient's beside without serious apprenticeship and mentoring is--as it should be--out of the question" (Loc 2545).

But this is exactly what we have going on in many graduate programs. [4] Here Delbanco quotes Robert Maynard Hutchins, who said this leads us into a "vicious circle... in which the products of a bad system grow up to be the operators and perpetuators of it" (Loc 2553). The only way to break this cycle, according to Delbanco, is to fight to provide "student-centered" doctoral education that prepares scholars to be researchers and teachers.

Delbanco closes his case by saying that the American college is too important to simply give up on. Despite all of the challenges, ethical conflicts, and politics that colleges face, he does not think they should be "permitted to give up on [their] own ideals." He reaches back to his historical argument to remind us that one of the core ideals of college has always been to reject social rankings like wealth and position and evaluate people based upon their inward character (or soul).[5] We need to come to terms with those early ideals, especially the notion that all students deserve--and are worthy of--education.

In the end, Delbanco brings together his ideas about community, equity, and the value of education to implore his readers to protect the college institution. Ultimately, he says, "Democracy depends on it."

Overall, Andrew Delbanco's book is a thorough, wide-ranging, critical, and often passionate look at the histories and current travails of American colleges. Interestingly, Delbanco's writing is a fascinating combination of romanticism and critical, pragmatic realism. He has a recurrent tendency to introduce idealistic notions and then rapidly knock them down with a dose of (sometimes harsh) realism. But for all of his criticisms, Delbanco is, in the end, still very optimistic about the future of college...and he adamantly argues that we all need to stand up, pay attention, and give a damn right alongside him. 

It's a compelling argument, and the book was a valuable read for someone (me) who has been mired in the college/university system for the past 10 years--as a student. Sometimes it's easy to get a little lost in the details, the bureaucracies, and the personal struggles of "the system," and lose sight of not only what can be done, but why one ended up in such a system in the first place. In moments like these, sometimes a good dose of historical context with a layer of conviction is just what's needed. And Delbanco's a good guide along the way. I agree with him too--that college is something worth trying to salvage. What that means, though, is that we need to be ready to turn all of that "critical analysis" into something more than just another published page in another journal article that nobody reads. We might actually have to put down the books, and the rhetoric, and do something.

Ryan Anderson

UPDATE: Minor edits for clarity on 1/18/13.

*Note: All citations listed according to locations in the Kindle e-book version.

**Another note: Yes, this review is ridiculously over the word limit. I apologize retroactively and hope to bury this truth deep in a random note that nobody will ever find.

[1] A minor quibble, but it may have been nice if more of Delbanco's examples were drawn from real cases rather than literary examples.

[2] Delbanco uses elite colleges as the primary examples for his discussion.

[3] I should point out that Delbanco makes it quite clear that many of these changes have not been felt as strongly, if at all, in many of the elite universities that have access to more funding and resources.

[4] Giving graduate students a few classes to teach is not the same as placing greater emphasis on the value and importance of teaching.

[5] He does acknowledge the prejudicial, often intolerant views of many of the clerics who founded the early college institutions. But his point here is to pay attention to deeper underlying ideals and beliefs about humanity.

Thursday, November 8, 2012

The politics of (uneven) development on the East Cape of Baja California Sur

Large scale development in progress in La Ribera, Baja California Sur.  Spring 2012.  Photo by Ryan Anderson.

A Gringo Invasion?
It is the summer of 2010, and I am driving along a hot asphalt road in the southern Mexican state of Baja California Sur.  It’s early June and already heating up.  Alongside the highway, a young man in his 20s waves his hand as I approach, indicating that he needs a ride.  Since it’s a common courtesy to give people rides around these parts, I pull over.  He says he needs a ride out to Cabo Pulmo and I reply: Jump in.  Within a few minutes the paved road ends, and my over-priced rental Jeep starts bouncing around on the dirt, gravel, and sometimes rock-strewn road.  I need to watch out for cows, speeding vehicles, horses, and the occasional tire-popping sharp rocks as I talk to my temporary traveling companion.  He works out in Cabo Pulmo, a former fishing community that now makes its living primarily through ecotourism.  It hasn’t been an easy transition, and since the crash of 2008 things have been pretty tough, but people are making it work in these difficult economic times.  I turn to him and ask: So what do you think about all the gringos coming out here?  He answers simply: Everything gets better when the gringos come.  Gringos mean money.

***

Dennison Nash once characterized international tourism as a form of neo-imperialism in which the throngs of tourists impose their worldviews, economic power, and desires upon destinations worldwide (Nash 1989).  Are the gringos who find their way to places such as the East Cape of Baja California Sur merely imperialists who impose their politics and interests upon the landscape and local people? Do Mexican residents view incoming gringos in monetary terms—as harbingers of jobs, revenue, tips, and nothing else?  Or can these gringos play a positive—if not vital—role in tourism development?  Can they, in fact, work to support and participate in the critical process of community development rather than just the commercialization and marketization of tourism sites? Throughout this paper, I examine the relationships between Mexican and non-Mexican residents on the East Cape in order to tease out some possible answers to these questions, while working to break down some of the generalizations about the tensions and differences between gringos and their Mexican neighbors.

I am working on the East Cape of Baja California Sur, which is located about two hours north of the Los Cabos tourism zone.  My research focuses on how the communities of Cabo Pulmo and La Ribera are responding to a proposed large-scale development in the area, a project called Cabo Cortes.  This project, which includes plans for a marina, multiple golf courses, residential lots, and high-end hotels, has generated considerable conflict in the region.  The project proposal calls for the construction of approximately 30,000 rooms, which, if implemented, would result in a massive new tourism site that would rival the current scale of Los Cabos or Cancun.

For this paper, I focus primarily on the community of Cabo Pulmo, which is located about 15 km south of the proposed site for Cabo Cortes.  Cabo Pulmo is a small community of approximately 180 people (80 Mexican- and around 100 non-Mexican residents) that shifted from subsistence and commercial fishing to an economy almost completely focused on eco-tourism. Historically, the Mexican residents of Cabo Pulmo made a living through ranching, fishing, pearling, and the exploitation of other marine resources (see Gamez 2008; Weiant 2005).  But their way of life started to change in the late 1980s and early 1990s when it became apparent that the fisheries were being depleted because of overfishing (from the effects of both local and international fishing).  This led to the creation of a protected marine park in 1995: the Cabo Pulmo National Park (see Weiant 2005; Gamez 2008).  While contested by various parties (Mexican and non-Mexican alike), in the ensuing seventeen years the Cabo Pulmo National Park has become a solid fixture in the local ecological and political landscape.

The following paper explores some of key issues I have discovered in my research thus far.  Several themes speak to the relationships, histories, and politics that exist between the gringo and Mexican residents of Cabo Pulmo.  These include conflicts over access to water, concerns about the loss of public space, disagreements about the promises of development, and serious language barriers between the two sides of the community.  For this paper, I will focus on the local politics of water and the impending threat of a large-scale development project as a way to begin talking about the politics of development on the East Cape.

Fault Lines: The unequal flow of water in Cabo Pulmo
Carla* is one of the key members Amigos for the Conservation of Cabo Pulmo (ACCP), a community-based organization that focuses on conservation, education, and community development.  She is also one part of the dominant Mexican family in the pueblo.  She is one of the most active voices in the community when it comes to environmentalism and conservation, along with many other community members who are also deeply vested in protecting Cabo Pulmo’s reef and local ecology.  During an interview, Carla explained the water situation in the community:

Look.  The Mexican community has a well…but unfortunately, this well is not sufficient.  We have been fighting for a long time because we did not have a generator to pump water from the well.  It has been very difficult.  Now, the association [ACCP] received a financial grant, so with this money we bought a generator.  Now there’s a generator, and it’s pumping water from the well, but it’s not enough…So, what we are doing now is trying to dig a new well so that we can have the necessary infrastructure to be able to distribute water to every house with a good system.  However this is taking a lot of time because of politics, bureaucracy, permits and all that…But Cabo Pulmo has been officially declared as a zone that lacks water access.  But this is the Mexican part of the community.  The [non-Mexican] part of the community does not have to fight for water because…well, we understand that there is a system that [one of the non-Mexican residents] owns, and that people pay him for their water.  So this is an issue that many people from the non-Mexican side of the community continue to ignore—that there are many problems with water access.  It’s very unjust and illogical, but this is what’s happening.
Carla continued to explain that the community has tried to apply for a water permit, but the government kept creating many obstacles (poniendo muchas trabas) and making the process difficult.  What is most painful, she said, is that the non-Mexican (extranjero) side of the community was able to receive permits quickly and easily.  “You know,” she told me, “to me this is a little unjust.”  

Carla brings up an important point about the water situation in Cabo Pulmo: for many people water is not something that they think about, because it’s always there.  It is something they can ignore and take for granted because when they turn the tap, the water flows.  Ironically, when people come to visit or live in Cabo Pulmo, water is in fact incredibly meaningful and important.  Tourists and retirees come to Cabo Pulmo to enjoy water…the saltwater of the ocean, which is perceived as a rare, delicate, and highly meaningful resource.  They flock to Cabo Pulmo and the surrounding East Cape to access and enjoy this form of water--for diving, fishing, snorkeling, kayaking, swimming, and a range of other activities.  But when they go back to their rented casitas or second homes, many of them aren’t thinking about fresh water, where it flows, and more importantly where it doesn’t.

It's important to point out that the various factions of the community do indeed understand the water situation to at least some extent.  People on all sides know that water is scarce.  It's a desert afterall (but then, so is Los Angeles!).  But not everyone knows, or takes the time to think about, the tremendous gap that exists when it comes to accessing fresh water.  There are, however, people who are willing to address the issue and cross the cultural and economic barriers of the community in order to seek solutions.  At present, those people are in the minority.  What seems to be lacking on both sides is a sense of trust or faith in the “other” side.  This mistrust has a deep history in the community, which has experienced years of conflicts between the Mexican and gringo residents.  Another division stems from the socio-economic disparities between the two sides of the community. 

When it comes to water, the gringos have it—to be blunt—because they have enough money to pay exorbitant prices that are simply not feasible or even thinkable for the vast majority of the Mexican residents.  Also, there has been very little dialog or collaborative effort between the two sides of the community in an attempt to deal with this issue.  Many people—on both sides—seem to be waiting, watching, and listening for change, but unsure about what they can do to bring it about.  Meanwhile, the gardens on the non-Mexican side of Cabo Pulmo continue to suck up water through their collective roots, and many of the Mexican women in town keep shuttling back and forth along the dirt road to the nearby pueblo of La Ribera to do laundry when the water runs out.  Water flows one way in Cabo Pulmo.  This is how things work, for now.

***

Cabo Cortes: A disastrous blessing in disguise and the search for common values
There are many divisions and differences between the Mexicans and the non-Mexican, expat, second homeowner, or gringo residents in Cabo Pulmo.  Whether these divisions stem from water politics, battles over public and private space, or basic communicative barriers, they clearly affect daily life, community relations, and the larger development politics of the region in undeniable ways.  Some of the divisions stem from very personal histories and enmities that have existed for decades, and are often interconnected with battles over land ownership and tenure.  Many other divisions are rooted in habits and daily practice (some people just stay in "their side" of the community out of a deeply entrenched social routine).  For years, many of these divisions have remained in place, and community relations between the two sides have been difficult, to say the least.  Some people will tell you that the two sides hate one another.  Others put it more mildly, saying that just don't see one another very often.  However, sometimes something comes along that makes people on all sides rethink their positions, biases, habits, and alliances.

That something for Cabo Pulmo has been the proposed development at Cabo Cortes.  As Allison, a 10 year non-Mexican resident of Cabo Pulmo told me, Cabo Cortes has been a “blessing in disguise” that has radically changed the community because many people are now much more willing to work together to fight this common threat.  For years, many members of the community remained completely unwilling to cross the socio-cultural divide, but the imposing plans of Cabo Cortes have changed some minds.  When I asked Allison what she thinks about Cabo Cortes, she looked at the red recording light on my tape recorder, smiled, and extended her two middle fingers, flipping off the mere idea of the project.  Her summary of the project was this: “devastation" for the whole area. 

When I asked Carla about the role of the non-Mexican residents in the future of Cabo Pulmo, she said: “We have to involve them for the good of the community.  It’s difficult, but we have to involve them…the Mexican side of the community has to allow them to be involved, and the extranjero side of the community has to want to be involved.”  The seeds for this type of bilateral community involvement may be sown when and if both sides of the community realize that they do share common ground. 

Alejandro has lived and worked in Cabo Pulmo for the past 14 years.  He is originally from another part of the state, but moved to Pulmo when he married a woman from the community.  When I asked Alejandro how Cabo Cortes could affect or change life in Cabo Pulmo, he explained:
[T]here will be too many people from all over the state, all over the country, like [Cabo] San Lucas, and there will be robberies, assaults—things that are not here now.  We can sleep outside and there are no problems.  We can leave our bicycles outside and there are no problems.  But when they create this development, it’s going to come, all of this is going to affect us.
This kind of reaction to Cabo Cortes is very common, especially in the community of Cabo Pulmo, a place in which people are deeply connected with a particular way of life.  Tranquilo is the word that many people use to describe life in Pulmo.  On both sides of the community, this sense of security, tranquility, or peace, is highly valuable--and vulnerable.  When the subject of Cabo Cortes comes up, many people talk about water issues (where will the water come from?), they talk about public space (will it be effectively privatized like Los Cabos?), and many people talk about the potential of rising crime.  This fear of crime exists on both sides of the community in Cabo Pulmo.  And the narratives about these fears often focus on very similar elements: more workers will come because of the project, and they will be living in the area.  The workers will be from other parts of the country, people say, and will not have connections with the local communities.  They will bring drugs, violence, social chaos.  These dangerous, faceless, imagined young workers pose a threat in many people’s minds, a threat to the way of life that exists in Cabo Pulmo at present.  Here, while there is a considerable amount of social tension between the various factions in the community, there is also an implicit, if not somewhat contradictory, layer of trust.  Various people may hate each other, but they all feel secure enough that they don't have to lock their doors at night.  So there is discord, and peace, all at once.  For the most part, except for some minor incidents, crime is not a serious problem here—yet.

Despite all of their differences, many people feel they face a common threat, and this has made a desire to find common ground more attractive and attainable.  The enemy of my enemy is my friend, as the saying goes.  In many ways, Cabo Cortes is a kind of Rorschach test here on the East Cape of Baja California Sur.  When I ask people about the project, it helps to spark discussions about development, community, and the future.  The very idea of that development plan allows people to express their views about what development, or conservation, or community, is all about.  People use Cabo Cortes, with its plans for golf courses, a segregated community for workers (like Cancun), massive hotels, and a large marina, as a way to think about the kinds of places and communities they want to be a part of.  In Cabo Pulmo, there is a deep concern about what the future will bring, how it will affect life in the area, and who will come to the region.  Narratives about crime express not only fears about the future, but an attachment to particular values, ideals, norms, and community relations in the present.  There are a flood of rumors about Cabo Cortes—about government corruption, about the involvement of narco-trafficantes, and about development officials trying to bribe members of the community for support.  In a way, Cabo Cortes (which is not even in the building stages) serves as a representation of everything that many people do not want to see happen on the East Cape.  It has come to represent all that is wrong with development.

For the community of Cabo Pulmo, most of the residents seem to see the project as a dire threat to their social, economic, and even aesthetic attachments to the place where they live, work, and vacation.  This attachment to a sense of place cuts across some of the deeply entrenched social and political divisions within the community.  Suddenly, for many members of the community, the grievances and divisions between the Mexican and “gringo” seem surmountable, especially in the face of deep fears about social change, environmental degradation, the destruction of place, and rising crime.

These narratives serve as a medium for expressing anxieties about an unknown future.  Because of these common fears and concerns, many people have been more willing to listen, to seek out new allies.  For the time being, these “productive” narratives (see Caldeira 2000:19) have opened up a space for collaboration, dialog, and participation among the Mexican and non-Mexican residents in Cabo Pulmo…but how long will this last?  Will different members of the community use this opportunity to improve relations and take control of their collective futures, or will these fears about a greater common threat dissolve, once again, into the smaller divisions and conflicts that have kept them separated for the past thirty or so years?

Whether in the form of construction jobs, land sales, domestic employment, or the full wallets of arriving tourists, the waves of gringos translate to hopes for increased access to that all powerful medium of value: money.  In the end, for many residents of the East Cape, gringos do in fact mean money.  On the other side of the equation, for many gringo travelers and residents, the East Cape is a place to relax, invest, and escape from the worries and troubles of life.  It is literally a place where they seek to avoid the darker side of development: overcrowding, pollution, and crime among other things.

The issues I have discussed here--the local politics of water and the social reactions to the mega-development Cabo Cortez--are only indications, suggestions of wider, deeper problems.  Such examples are mere illustrations of a whole social landscape of challenges that communities on the East Cape-whether Mexican or gringo--will have to confront in the near future.  At present, while there has been relatively little development in the region, the prevalence of no trespassing signs, barbed wire fences, and real estate developments hints at one of the possible futures of this place.  The East Cape may be divided up, privatized, and sold bit by bit according to its market value, much in the same way as many other coastal zones in Mexico.  It may indeed be just another Cabo San Lucas someday.  It's hard to tell what will happen.  For a price, everyone can have their piece of this place—until, of course, it reaches saturation and investors, tourists, and developers look to more pristine pastures.  The question remains, at this point, whether numbers, markets, and money will determine the future of the East Cape, or whether its residents and supporters—who span a range of national, class, and cultural positions—will organize around different social and political values in order to push toward an alternative future.  That’s the question for the East Cape: will it be shaped by the detached, fickle values of the global tourism market, or the messy, difficult, sometimes competing values of its nascent communities?

Ryan Anderson

*All names in this paper are pseudonyms.

References

Caldeira, Teresa P.  2000.  City of Walls.  Berkeley: University of California Press.

Nash, Dennison.  1989.  Tourism as Form of Imperialism.  In Hosts and Guests, Valene L. Smith, ed.  University of Pennsylvania Press.

Gamez, Alba, ed.  2008.  Turismo y sustenabilidad en Cabo Pulmo, BCS.  San Diego: San Diego State University.

Weiant, Pamela A.  2005.   A Political Ecology of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs): Case Study of Cabo Pulmo National Park, Sea of Cortez, Mexico.  Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara.